President of the French Republic
The Présidence of the Republic is highest function Executive power of the French Republic.
The French Republic obtained a President only starting from 1848 (under the II {{E}} République). Since this Date, this function was assumed by twenty-three presidents, who resided all at the Elys3ee palace.
Since the election of the president by the vote for all in 1962, it is about the political office most prestigious and most respected in France. The President is the chief of the State, the chief of the armed and the guarantor with the Constitution.
The other functions, attributions and modes of nomination evolved/moved much in time according to the modes, but also according to the circumstances and of the men called to fill this load. Currently, and this since 1958, its capacity is such as one frequently speaks about “republican monarchy”.
Presidents of the French Republic to the more or less limited capacities
Second Republic
The revolution of February 1848 drives out king Louis-Philippe and founds the Republic. To decide new institutions the components take as a starting point the United States whose model was popularized by Alexis de Tocqueville in his book Of the democracy in America published in 1835. The constitution of November 4th, 1848 chooses to entrust the executive power to a president elected by the universal direct suffrage for one 4 years duration. It can be represented after a 4 years interval. As in the United States, the Parliament and the President are completely independent. But contrary to the United States the President does not have the right to veto. He can just ask a new deliberation without guarantee to be followed. The ministers are named and revoked by the president. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, nephew of Napoleon i, is candidate with the presidential election, the first with the Vote for all in France. He is elected for four years the December 10th 1848, with nearly 75% to the voices, exits in particular of the Parti the Order, benefitting from the division of the lefts and the weakness of the educational level, certain peasants having believed to vote for Napoleon i (by defect the image of the former emperor was easily comparable with that of its unknown homonym)… The December 20th 1848: it lends oath to the constituent Assembly and settles the evening even with the Elysium.The presidency of Louis Napoleon thus is marked by his opposition to the preserving policy of the elected Parliament in May 1849 and mainly monarchist: sending in Rome of the troops to subdue a rebellion against the Pope; vote Loi Falloux favorable to religious teaching… May 31st 1850, the Parliament votes an electoral law which imposes a three year old residence for the voters, which eliminates 3 million people of the electorate, mainly of the craftsmen and the seasonal workers. While being opposed to this reform, Louis-Napoleon has the appearance of a hero for the people.
Of the beginning of the year 1851, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte requires a revision of the constitution to enable him to represent itself as of the end of its mandate. The weakness of the Constitution of IIe République was its incapacity to legally solve the conflicts between the legislative power and the executive power. In front of the refusal of the National Assembly, it makes a Coup d'etat in December, which it ratifies by a Référendum. The Second Republic finishes by an authoritarian regime, which becomes the Second Empire in 1852.
Third Republic
Following the Franco-German War of 1870, on September 4th, 1870, the emperor Napoleon III is made prisoner by the Prussians with Sedan. With this advertisement, the Republic is proclaimed with Paris, putting fine at the Second Empire. But the elections of February 1871 carry to the assembly a monarchist majority. Divisions of the Monarchists and the intransigent attitude of the applicant to the throne, the Count de Chambord, prevent the return of monarchy. The provisional mode settles in the duration. The republican which proved that they could maintain the order gain the majority of the bys-election. In 1875, the assembly votes a series of constitutional texts known under the name of constitutional Lois of 1875. The President of the Republic is elected in the majority of the two rooms. He is equipped with all the prerogatives of the executive: direction of the administration, the army and the diplomacy. He on the initiative of the laws, right which he shares with the assemblies, can dissolve the House of Commons with the assent of the Senate and ministerial counter-signature. He also has the right of reprieve. He is irresponsible in front of the two rooms which cannot reverse it. One compared the president of the Republic to a nonhereditary monarch because its capacities are vast and it is re-eligible. The practical policies, starting from Jules Grévy, will make of it a character erased in the institutional play.The decree of the February 17th 1871 makes Adolphe Thiers, a Orléaniste, the chief of the executive power of the French Republic while waiting for that the deputies rule on the new institutions. Thiers, rejoined by political pragmatism with a preserving republic, is put in minority in May 1873 by the National Assembly dominated by the monarchists and resigns. The Parliament elects in her place Mac-Mahon, a convinced monarchist. January 21st, 1875, the Wallon amendment founds the republic. The elections of 1877, after dissolution by president Mac-Mahon in dissension with his majority, carry a Republican majority to the capacity. In front of impossibility of imposing its views on the two rooms, Mac-Mahon resigns in 1879. Its successor, the republican Jules Grévy voluntarily gives up exerting his constitutional prerogatives (mainly right of dissolution) and avoids intervening against the wishes of the Parliament.
The Council of Ministers with the Elys3ee palace, 1882:
After a stormy debate, President Jules Grévy speaks:
“ do you Know what I would do, Sirs? ”
A silence respectueux.
follows
“ Eh well, I would not do anything ”.
The President of the Republic thus confines himself with a representative function, leaving the capacity with the president of the Council and the Parliament. The presidents of IIIe République follow this practice. Those which like Jean Casimir-Périer, elected in 1894, or Alexandre Millerand (1920 - 1924) tried to take more to be able are suspectés to want to attack the Constitution and are constrained to resign.
Fourth Republic
The French demolished of 1940 involves the end of the third Republic. From 1940 to 1944, France knows a authoritarian regime directed by the marshal Philippe Pétain. With the release the provisional government organizes a referendum in 1945 when the French express their will not to be allocated more to the institutions of IIIe République. After having refused a first project creating a mode of assembly, the French adopt the constitution of IVe République in October 1946. As under IIIe Republic, the president is elected by the two rooms for 7 years. He is politically irresponsible. All its acts must be contresigned by the president of the council or a minister. The possibility of dissolving the National Assembly is transferred to the government. It always chooses the chief of the government but this one must obtain the nomination of the rooms to be able to exert its functions. Its role is thus even more unobtrusive than under the preceding mode. IVe République knew in 12 years two presidents of the Republic: Vincent Auriol (1947-1954) and Rene Coty (1954-1958). its ministerial instability quickly reduces it to the impotence. The Crise of May 1958 finally made fall this mode.
The Fifth Republic
The constitution of October 4th, 1958 changes considerably the role of the president of the Republic. whereas it did not occupy since 1871, qu ' a magistrature of influence, it finds the most influential character of the Nation, with the head of all the constitutional bodies, supreme referee of the Nation and, since 1962, chief of the Exécutif except in period of Cohabitation.
Two readings of the Constitution
See also: Historical of the governments of France
In 1958, France suffered from the paralysis of its institutions. The executive power was exerted by a government resulting from unstable majorities at the Parliament. The frequent changes of government to the liking of alliances and the personal ambitions prevented any effective policy. When it is called with the capacity in May 1958, the Général de Gaulle wished to give again with the executive a capacity that it did not have the means of exerting in the parliamentary Régime, that it pejoratively qualified “mode of the parties”. He wanted to thus cure the defects of IVe République worsened by the Guerre of Algeria by creating an executive power extremely and independent.
Article 5 of the Constitution makes of the President the guarantor of the institutions and the Constitution, the national independence and the integrity of the territory. For the components, the president does not have vocation to intervene in the daily management of the businesses. The chief of the executive is, in the texts, the Prime Minister who " determine and leads the policy of the nation" (article 20). The Head of the State is a referee between the various capacities (article 5) and who, although having a weak autonomous capacity, has as a main thing capacity that to ask another Autorité to act. " That does not prevent it giving the main trends of the country, requiring of the government to follow them and from translating them in texts so necessary ". It ensures in a flexible way separation of the capacities. It incarnates France with the international level and is a recourse in the event of serious situation. Since 1959, De Gaulle makes diplomacy and defense, the reserved domain of the president of the Republic.
This vision however, put forever in practice, because the first President, the de Gaulle general, made use of his historical weight to monopolize the whole of the prerogatives of its Prime Minister, Pompidou.
Starting from 1962 and until in 1986 (date of the first cohabitation), the “normal” practice of the institutions was established. 1962 are a key date since she sees the conjunction of the election of the President by the universal direct suffrage, responsibility in front of the people which legitimates his capacities, and of the parliamentary majority fact favorable to the President (creation of the UNR, Union for the New Republic). The reading of the Constitution, which establishes a parliamentary mode, is done in a direction favorable to the President. In fact, the president of the Republic is the true chief of the executive because it uses fully and even beyond, the capacities which the Constitution grants to him. with the government, a close connection of collaboration is thus established, even of subordination. The democratic legitimacy given by the election by the vote for all thus carries it on attributions of the Constitution. The alignment of the duration of the presidential mandate on that of the deputies, the concomitance of the elections with in first, the presidential election, then at the end of one month, the legislative ones still accentuate this subordination connection.
This situation gives to the French President an exceptional situation and badly encircled by the theories of the traditional constitutional law. One in general associates right of dissolution and responsibility before the Parliament: the English head of government has both (parliamentary Régime), the US president no (Presidential regime). In the French system, it is the president who has the right of dissolution, but it is the Prime Minister who is responsible in front of the Parlement. The de Gaulle general, by the means of his election by the universal direct suffrage in 1962 and of regular Referendum, set up a responsibility for the President in front of French people: it is on a lost referendum that it left its functions. Jacques Chirac, on the other hand preferred to complete her mandate after the failure of the referendum on the European Constitutional treaty in 2005 whereas this vote was decisive for him and for the country. In fact, after Gaulle, the presidents were satisfied with a responsibility in front of the people at the time of the re-election. Maurice Duverger qualifies France under the Fifth Republic of semi-presidential Régime, although this categorization is often disputed. Exact name remains “presidentialized parliamentary mode”.
- For the periods of cohabitation, on the contrary (1986-1988; 1993-1995; 1997-2002), the reading of the Constitution becomes more literal, one thus returns to a parliamentary Régime, such as had envisaged the Constitution, although it still does not act of what had been envisaged originally. Indeed, the Chief of the Government then exerts fully all the prerogatives which the Constitution gives him. The President, however, is not erased and preserves a certain number of prerogatives, in particular as regards foreign politics. The executive becomes bicephalous then.
For example, one can quote article 8 subparagraph 1 where the President names and accepts the resignation of the Prime Minister. In practice, it even happened that during his nomination, the President makes sign with the Prime Minister a not dated resignation letter, thus enabling him to revoke its Prime Minister when good seemed to him. Actually, except for the “voluntary resignation” of Jacques Chirac when he was Prime Minister of Valery Giscard d'Estaing, all the Prime Ministers were revoked. In period of cohabitation, however, this capacity, that the successive Presidents monopolized themselves, does not exist any more since the Prime Minister is then supported by the parliamentary majority.
The election by the vote for all, factor of national legitimacy
In 1958, the president is elected by an electoral college which largely exceeds the Parliament. Approximately 80.000 Great Electors, mayors and general advisers, elect the president. They are thus primarily the rural ones which chooses the Head of the State whereas a large majority of the French live downtown. It is partly to correct this defect of representativeness that de Gaulle proposes into 1961 to elect the president of the Republic to the Vote for all. It chooses to use the procedure of direct referendum rather envisaged by article 11 of the constitution of 1958 than to resort to the procedure of normal revision, with prior agreement of the Parliament such as it is envisaged by article 89. Dissatisfied, the National Assembly puts the government in minority. De Gaulle dissolves it, proceeds to new elections which consolidate its popular support. The referendum of October 28th, 1962 approves by 61,7% of yes the change of mode of election of the president. The law is promulgated on November 6th, 1962. Since 1962, the president of the Republic is thus elected with the Vote for all direct. The poll is uninominal and comprises two turns. The term of the office is seven years, as since the beginning of IIIe République, tiny room to five years since the constitutional reform of 2000 founding the Quinquennat. This law took effect for the first time with the re-election of Jacques Chirac in 2002.Everyone cannot be candidate. The law of 1962 envisages a patronage of 100 notabilities resulting from 10 different departments. The presentations are to be addressed to the Constitutional council 18 days before the first turn. The candidates must deposit a guarantee of 10.000 francs refunded for those which reach 5% of the voices. In 1974,12 candidates manage to obtain the 100 signatures of presentation. To limit the number of candidates, the organic law of June 18th, 1976 provides that any candidate must collect the presentation of 500 elected officials (regional mayors, general advisers or, deputies, senators) resident in 30 different departments. The signatures of elected officials of a department should not represent 1/10e total. The name of the presenters is made public by the Constitutional council and is published in the Official journal. This law prevented only temporarily the inflation of the candidates, 10 into 1981,9 into 1988,9 in 1995, but 16 in 2002 and 12 in 2007. Michel Balinski supports that the public finance and the equality of the speaking time in the audio-visual one are at the origin of this inflation of candidates. One of the consequences is the great dispersion of the voices: until 1974, the three candidates at the head collected 90% of the voices. Since, their share of the voices strongly decreased to hardly reach 50% in 2002. The vote of April 22nd, 2007 marks a spectacular trend reversal. The three candidates of head collect 75% of the voices making lose with the first turn of the election its role to défouloir.
The electioneering propaganda is regulated by the law of November 6th, 1962 modified by the organic law of February 5th, 2001. It envisages, during the official countryside, a strict equal treatment of the candidates in the audio-visual means and the creation of a National Commission of control of the electoral campaign. The law of January 19th, 1995 fixes a ceiling of expenditure of countryside, 13,7 million euros for the first turn, 18,3 million for the second turn. Any candidate sees himself granting an advance on expenditure of 153.000 euros. The law envisages also the lump sum refund of 8% of the ceiling for all the candidates, whatever the number of voices obtained, that is to say up to 685.000 euros of expenditure. On the other hand, the candidates having collected at least 5% of the votes cast obtain the refunding of 36% of the ceiling of the expenditure, which can represent 6.850.000 euros. all the candidates have the obligation to establish an account of countryside published in the Official journal 70 days after the second turn.
In certain cases, the Constitutional council can decide carryforward of the elections: if a potential candidate dies or is prevented 7 days before the deadline of the deposit of the signatures of presentation, if a candidate dies or is prevented before the first turn. If one of the two candidates having been qualified for the second turn dies or is prevented between the two turns, it is necessary to proceed to a new election.
The election takes place between 20 to 35 days before the expiry of the mandate of the President-in-Office. In the event of vacancy (resignation, death), the election with place between 20 to 35 days after the opening of the vacancy. In the event of impossibility for the President, noted by the Constitutional council, to exert his presidential functions, it is the president of the Sénat which takes over temporarily the duties. Until now, only Alain Poher had to assume this task: in 1969 after the resignation of Charles de Gaulle and again in 1974 after the death of Georges Pompidou. The president by interim cannot use the referendum or dissolve the National Assembly.
The presidential responsibility
- the responsibility in front of the rooms:
- as in the other republican constitutions, the president is irresponsible politically before the assemblies (article 67 of the Constitution);
- it is irresponsible penally and civilly for the facts that it made during its mandate (article 67). It cannot be judged, put in charge or city to appear that after a one month deadline following the end of its mandate. But, since the reform of the penal statute of the President of February 23rd, 2007 it can be relieved during its mandate by a vote of two thirds of the High court (article 68). Nevertheless, since there does not exist more precise legal definition of the failure of the President of the Republic to his duties, obviously incompatible with the exercise of its mandate that there was not for the crime of high treason which he replaces, certain doctrines are brought to fear that the High court (made up of members of Parliament) could use it as means of setting concerned of the political responsibility of the President. Nevertheless, the risk of the partisane use of this procedure is decreased owing to the fact that the committal for trial is carried out by a vote of two thirds of the members of each room of the Parliament.
-
the responsibility in front of the nation:
- the de Gaulle General estimated that the recourse to the referendum engaged its responsibility in front of the people. This explains why he resigned after the failure of the referendum of 1969, whereas he had a vast majority with the National Assembly. Its successors did not follow the same way in the event of failure to a referendum;
- the exercise of the Right to vote also makes it possible to the citizens to sanction the policy which follows (other elections during the mandate of the President, in particular members of Parliament) or carried out a President (if the President presents himself for a second mandate). Nevertheless, François Mitterrand refused to resign after the parliamentary elections favorable to the right-hand side in 1986 (what caused the first Cohabitation); moreover, at the time of re-elections, the sanction of a policy followed by the President is not the single factor, nor even most important (the figure record of 82,21% of the voices in 2002 in favor of Jacques Chirac are explained initially and above all because of the personality of the competitor candidate, Jean-Marie Le Pen).
Wide capacities
Attributions of the President of the Republic
Article 8 of the constitution of 1958 gives to the president the right to name the Prime Minister. This one is not invested by the Parliament. The National Assembly cannot, if necessary, express her dissension that as a voter a motion of censure a posteriori . This poses a limit with this capacity of nomination because the president must choose its Prime Minister in the majority of the National Assembly or dissolve it. In theory, only the resignation of the Prime Minister puts an end to the government. But in practice, when the president asks for the resignation of this one, it is very difficult for him to refuse, except in the event of cohabitation. Article 8 also specifies that on a proposal from the Prime Minister, the president names the members of the government. Very often the president imposes most of his choices safe to the Prime Minister in period of cohabitation.The presidency of the Council of Ministers is a traditional attribution of the president, but until 1958, this role was not very important. Since this date, the president plays an active role. He makes establish the day order and directs work (Article 9). He can exceptionally delegate the presidency of the Council of Ministers to the Prime Minister but with a given day order.
Article 13 gives to the president lawful attributions. It signs the ordinances and the decrees after deliberation at the Council of Ministers. It shares this lawful capacity with the Prime Minister. It however sometimes happens to him to sign decrees which were not discussed at the Council of Ministers. Article 13 also specifies that the president names with civil and military employment. In fact he exerts this prerogative for the most important employment: advisers of State, ambassadors, envoys extraordinary, main advisers at the Court of Auditors, general prefects, officers, vice-chancellors of academy, directors of central administrations. For the remainder, he delegates his power to the Prime Minister. Article 14 gives him great prerogatives as regards diplomacy. It symbolizes the French State near the other countries. It accredits the ambassadors and the extraordinary envoys, applies the new treaties. These attributions are traditional for a Head of State in France. The new fact is its intervention in the negotiation of the treaties. It makes also the most important decisions.
Article 15 fact of the president the chief of the armies. He chairs the higher committees of defense. Since 1996, it engages the nuclear force. Jacques Chaban-Delmas had called the international businesses the " réservé" field; of the president. This role, in the beginning is not determined by the component, but it entered manners.
The constitution of 1958, anxious to control the parliamentary life makes it possible to the president to intervene in this one. It opens and closes the extraordinary sessions by decree either at the request of the Prime Minister, or with that of the members of Parliament. In theory, if the legal conditions are met, it must sign the decree. In 1960, the president refused to join together a session extrordinaire however requested by the majority of the deputies; even thing in 1987, period of cohabitation whereas the request emanated from the Prime Minister. On the other hand, the ordinary sessions do not belong to its prerogatives.
The president has the right of dissolution of the National Assembly. It is a personal prerogative without against signature, but it must observe certain conditions like consulting as a preliminary the Prime Minister and the presidents of the two rooms. It of anything is not held to follow their opinion. Dissolution is an effective weapon against the members of Parliament tempted to be opposed to the government. The new elections must take place between 20 and 40 days after the signature of the decree. Since 1958, one counts 5 dissolutions, the last in 1997 is the only one which did not give to the president the discounted majority. The right of dissolution has some limits however: the president cannot carry out a new dissolution during one year. This one is impossible when article 16 is implemented.
The president is in charge of the promulgation of the laws in the fifteen days following their adoption by the Parliament. He cannot withdraw himself from this obligation but he can before the expiry of the period promulgation ask for a new discussion of a part or of all the law, which cannot be to him refused (article 10).
The president has the right of sasine of the constitutional council, without counter-signature before the promulgation of a law (Article 61 subparagraph 2). It is average considerable of control of parliamentary work. Lastly, article 11 gives to the president the right to call some directly with the people by organizing a referendum. However the subjects on which can carry a referendum are strictly framed by the constitution: it is about the organization of the public authorities, constitutional or not, of the authorization to ratify an international treaty, and since 1995, of the reforms relating to the social economic policy and of the Nation and the public services which contribute to it. The government or the assemblies can also propose to the Head of the State the organization of a referendum, but this one can refuse.
Attributions of the president in relation to the legal authority are they also very important. He is guaranteeing independence of the legal authority. He has the right of reprieve but he to the obligation to take before the opinion of the superior council of the magistrature. Moreover the decree of grace must be contresigned by the Prime Minister and the Minister for justice. In 1958, the president named the 9 members of the superior council of the magistrature, which enabled him to influence the legal authority largely. Since 1993, it names nothing any more but one of them. It names also three of the nine members of the constitutional council; it should be noted that the presidents of the Republic are at the exit of their mandate members of right of this council.
Capacities of the president in extraordinary period
Article 16 makes it possible to the president during crisis periods to almost concentrate all the capacities. It fixes the conditions under which it can be applied. The institutions of the Republic, the independence of the Nation, the integrity of its territory, the execution of international engagements must be threatened in a serious and immediate way. It was reproached this sentence much its blur, leaving the possibility of an arbitrary interpretation. Article 16 however fixes another condition which assures more important against the arbitrary one without excluding it completely. It is necessary that the circumstances result in to stop the regular operation of the constitutional public authorities. There exist also formal requirements not very constraining. The president must consult the Prime Minister, the presidents of the assemblies and the constitutional council. He must inform the Nation of his decision.The president seizes full powerss then. He can take all the measurements required by the circumstances. The constitution does not fix any limit but article 16 specifies that these measurements must be inspired by the will to ensure the return to the normal within shorter times. The difficulty of control of the president in extraordinary period arises. Indeed, if the Parliament continues to meet, it does not have any power to control because the president is irresponsible in front of him. The president can however neither dissolve the National Assembly, nor to organize a referendum throughout all application of article 16.
Article 16 was applied only once, in 1961 after the putsch of the generals in Algiers. The situation was quickly restored but article 16 had been maintained for 5 months. Pierre Mazeaud, former president of the Constitutional council, the completely obsolete judge.
Texts
The Constitution
The characteristics of the mandate and the function presidential are defined by the Constitution of the Fifth Republic in articles 5 to 19. The place even of these articles in the fundamental text shows the new importance given to the function.
The prerogatives of the President of the Republic are is:
- exempted Counter-signature;
- subjected to the counter-signature under the terms of the same article.
Exempted prerogatives of the counter-signature
-
traditional Capacities (present before 1958):
- Compared to the Government:
- Nomination of the Prime Minister (Article 8, subparagraph 1).
- Acceptance of its resignation (idem).
- Compared to the Parliament:
- Right of message to the Parliament S (Article 18).
- Dissolution of the National Assembly (Article 12), but not of the Senate. It cannot dissolve again in the year which follows.
-
new Capacities (specific to Ve):
- In normal period:
- Compared to the electorate:
- Referendum, on proposal of the Government or joint proposal of both Parliament S, relating to a Law or the ratification of a treated (Article 11). The result of the Référendum binds the President.
- Compared to the Constitutional council:
- Nomination: Nomination of three members of the Constitutional council and choice of his president (Article 56).
- Sasine:
- control of constitutionality of a treated (Article 54).
- control of constitutionality of a Law (Article 61 subparagraph 2). Only the parliamentary laws are controlled, refusal of the Council to control the contents of the laws chief clerks (like the modifications of the Constitution resulting from a referendum, they are the direct expression of the will of the originating body constituting).
- In exceptional period: under the terms of article 16, the President can take:
- of the Acts of government (not controlled by the judge);
- of the decisions legislative or lawful (control of the Constitutional council, but not public).
Prerogatives subjected to counter-signature
-
internal Capacities:
- Compared to the Government:
- Nomination and revocation of the members of the Government on a proposal from the Prime Minister (Article 8, subparagraph 2).
- Presidency of the the Council of Ministers (Article 9).
- Signature of the ordinances and the decrees in the Council of Ministers (Article 13).
- To be able of nomination to civil and military employment (autonomous lawful capacity allotted to the Prime Minister) (Article 13 subparagraph 2).
- Compared to the Parliament:
- Promulgation of the laws (Article 10 subparagraph 1).
- Request with the Parliament one second deliberation of a law or some of its provisions, which cannot be to him refused (Article 10 subparagraph 2).
- Opening and fence of the extraordinary session S of the Parliament, out the cases where this one automatically meets, at the request of the Prime Minister or the absolute majority of the National Assembly (Article 30). It is a dependant competence.
- Initiative of the revision of the Constitution on a proposal from the Prime Minister (article 89). It has the choice, when it is not a question of a proposal of law chief clerk (initiative of the Parliament) - in which case the proposal must obligatorily be the subject of a referendum - between subjecting the project law (initiative of the Government) between the referendum or the congress (gathering of the two rooms of the Parliament).
- Compared to the legal authority:
- Presidency of the Superior council of the magistrature and nomination of one of its members (Article 64 to 66)
- Right of reprieve (Article 17), contresigned by the Minister of Justice. Contrary to the Amnesty, this right does not remove the infringement but decreases or removes the sorrow.
- external Capacities:
- Diplomacy:
- Chief of the Diplomacy: accreditation of the diplomats, foreign diplomats accredited near him (Article 14).
- the law (parliamentary or chief clerk) authorizes the negotiation and the ratification of the treated S by the President.
- Defense (Article 15):
- Chief of the Armed S.
- Presidency with the Councils and Higher committees with the National defense.
Presidents of the Fifth Republic
The presidents of the V {{E}} République are:- Charles de Gaulle (1958 - 1965, 1965 - 1969)
- Georges Pompidou (1969 - 1974)
- Valery Giscard d'Estaing (1974 - 1981)
- François Mitterrand (1981 - 1988, 1988 - 1995)
- Jacques Chirac (1995 - 2002, 2002 - 2007)
- Nicolas Sarkozy (Since the May 16th 2007, elected for a five years mandate)
In accordance with the constitution of Ve République, Alain Poher, then President of the Senate, also provided the president's functions of the Republic, in 1969 and 1974, at the time of vacations related on the resignation of Charles de Gaulle and the death of Georges Pompidou.
See also: List of the presidents of the French Republic
Others
In France
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He is also large Master of the Légion of honor (more high ranking authority of the order).
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Since 1629, the Head of the French State is Proto-canon of the Cathédrale Notre-Dame d' Embrun. This honorary title is automatically allotted to him, it is necessary for him however to come to take possession of its Stalle so that its distinction is effective. This honorary title was given for the first time to Louis XIII. The distinction does not bring any particular advantage, except a medal. The last President who came to claim this title is the De Gaulle general.
-
He is also honorary canon of the cathedral of Saint-Jean-with-Maurienne, since François Ier, which required this privilege during its invasion of the Savoy in 1536.
-
the President of the Republic is protective French Academy. For this reason, it receives all new academician, this audience being worth approval of its election. The Head of the State can in addition be opposed to the choice of the immortal ones.
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the wages of the president was of 7.084 euros Net per month, until 2007. Since 2007 the clear monthly allowance is of 19.331 euros (per month). The " dotation" annual of the president, in 2007 was fixed at 101.488 euros in the bill.
Apart from France
- Under the terms of the Constitution of this principality, it is Coprince of Andorre (mode known as of Paréage: it is laic Coprince, the other Co-prince being an ecclesiastic, the bishop of Urgel, in Spain)
- the President of the French Republic is traditionally received with the the Vatican after its election to be named honorary Chanoine of the Archibasilique Midsummer's Day of Lateran in Rome and to take possession of its Stalle so that its distinction is effective (what, for the anecdote, confers the privilege theoretically to him to enter to horse this basilica). It goes without saying this privilege can be granted only to one President of male sex and confession Roman catholic E (or with the rigor of orthodoxe confession). For this reason, the president of the Republic can claim with a stall in the Abbaye of Beauchêne (Cerizay), which is an abbey of regular canons of Midsummer's Day of Lateran.
Residences
The official residence and office of the president are the Elys3ee palace, with Paris, 55 rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré.Among the other presidential residences, one counts:
- the Extremely of Brégançon , in the south of France on the of the department of Var coast, current official vacation resort.
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the Hotel of Marigny , beside, the place Elys3ee palace of reception of the foreign representatives.
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the Castle of Rambouillet , usually opened with the visitors and from time to time seat of official meetings. Francois Fillon, Prime Minister, uses it in the place of the the Lantern (used it by Nicolas Sarkozy).
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the national field of Marly-the-King , usually opened with the visitors and from time to time seat of official meetings.
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the Field of Souzy-la-Briche , in the the Essonne, a simple private residence, currently affected with the Prime Minister in exchange of the Lantern
See too
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