Ludwig Kaas

Beginning of career

Born with Trier, Kaas was ordered priest in 1906 and studied the history and the Canon law with Trier and Rome. In 1910, it was named vice-chancellor of a Orphelinat and a boarding school close to Coblentz. It devoted its spare time to studies and in 1916, it published the book " ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the Catholic church in Prussia " , which showed its expertise in the history of the Église, the Canon law and its interest for the Politique. In 1918, it required to be sent in a Paroisse, but the archbishop Michael Felix Korum of Trier refused and in the place professor of Canon law to the seminar of Trier in 1918 appointed it. In this station, it published the study " Missing in war and remarriage in the public law and the canon law ". In 1919 one proposed to him the pulpit of Canon law at the university of Bonn, and it intended initially to accept it. But as it did not find with Bonn the satisfaction of its desires, and after consultation of the Korum bishop, it refused this proposal.

Entry in policy

Affected by the revolution, Kaas also decided to engage in the Politique and joined the Zentrum. In 1919, it was elected with the National Assembly and in 1920 with the Reichstag, of which there remained member until in 1933. He was also elected with the Council of Prussian State, the representation of the provinces of Prussia. As a member of Parliament, Kaas specialized in foreign politics. Of 1926 with 1930, he was the German delegate with the Ligue of the Nations.

Kaas was regarded as a " patriotic Rhénan" and recommended the creation of a State of the Rhineland within the framework of German Reich. In 1923, one year of crisis, it - as Konrad Adenauer, then mayor of Cologne - fought the separatists who wanted to separate the the Rhineland from the Germany. In spite of the French occupation, he sought the reconciliation with the France and expressed this desire in a speech celebrates with the Reichstag on December 5th 1923.

In spite of personal reserves towards the Social Democrats, it developed cordial relations with the president Friedrich Ebert and greeted readily the successes of the SPD after 1918. Kaas supported the policy of reconciliation of the Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann and denounced the Agitation Nationaliste against this policy - agitation which he regarded as irresponsible.

To advise of the Pacelli nuncio

In 1920, Eugenio Pacelli, the Nuncio of the Pope in Bavaria, was also named Nonce in Germany. From the point of view of this new function, he asked the Cardinal Bertram of Breslau, to send experts who could be used as relation between the Nonce with Munich and the bishop S of Prussia. Bertram proposed Kaas which, in its academic work, had developed a special interest for the relations between the State and the Catholic church.

Kaas devoted much energy to its work of professor, member of Parliament and advising Nonce. Although Kaas tried to be convinced that its first obligation was its clean Diocèse, it is its academic station which always took the top. In 1922 it was ready to give up its pulpit, but Bertram and Pacelli insisted that it remains until it obtains a sure station in the Diocèse, which would not block its other engagements. Bertram, according to the wishes of Pacelli, proposed to the new bishop of Trier, Franz Rudolf Bornewasser, to name Kaas canon cathédral, but the bishop refused. Kaas, in anger, announced that it would give up all its other engagements and concentrated on its academic work, but finally it was reconciled with Bornewasser. April 1st 1924, Kaas was named in the chapter of the cathedral.

The Bornewasser bishop had authorized Kaas to keep his parliamentary seat until September 1924, but it expected that it resigns then and concentrates on its administrative and academic work in the Diocèse. However, as Pacelli required of the bishop not to insist on top, because that could " substantially to block the work of influence engaged until there by Dr. Kaas and to carry damage to an effective representation of the ecclesiastical interests in a way déplorable". Bornewasser, although legally in a strong position, yielded to these considerations opportunism and did not renew its request. The same year, Kaas resigned of its academic pulpit.

In 1925, as Pacelli was also named Nonce in Prussia and moved in its office of Berlin, the co-operation between Pacelli and Kaas became narrower. From this engagement was born a formal but near and durable friendship, which remained one of the basic elements in the life of Kaas. To this station, Kaas contributed to the happy conclusion of the Négociation S of the Concordat with the Prussia in 1929.

After these events, Pacelli was recalled to the the Vatican to be named Cardinal Secretary of State. Pacelli required of Kaas, which had accompanied it in its voyage, to remain with Rome, but Kaas declined this proposal because of its ecclesiastical duties and policies in Germany. At all events, Kaas frequently travelled to Rome, where it remained with Pacelli, and in 1931 and 1932 continued like advising in the negotiations for a Concordat, which however did not emerge.

Political head of party

In September 1928, Kaas was elected chief of the left the Center, in order to be used as mediator between the wings of the party and to reinforce their bonds with the bishop S.

Until 1930, Kaas honestly supported the administration under Heinrich Brüning of the Center. In 1932, it made countryside for the re-election of Hindenburg, calling it a " historical personality vénérée" and " the guard of the constitution". As its frequent displacements with the the Vatican blocked its work of head of party, Kaas was ready to yield the leadership of the party to Brüning, that Hindenburg had returned in May, but the former chancellor refused and asked the prelate to remain.

Kaas and Brüning led the Party of the Center towards the opposition to the new chancellor, Franz von Papen, renegade with the party, that Kaas called the " Ephialtes of the Party of Center". Kaas tried to réétablir a parliamentary work in co-operation with the National-Socialists. According to a witness, the Black and white Pope XI and the Cardinal Pacelli (which became Pie XII) supported this policy in a letter which showed Hitler as a rampart against the Communiste S. That is however not corroborated by other sources and as long as the exact terms or the qualifications in this letter will not be known, interpretations will remain speculative. When Adolf Hitler became chancellor on January 30th 1933, thanks to a coalition between NSDAP, DNVP and of the independent conservatives who excluded the Parti the Center, Kaas felt betrayed. In the countryside leading to the election on March 5th, Kaas vigorously made countryside against the new government.

During the electoral campaign, the Incendie of the Reichstag (night from February 27th to 28th 1933) had been presented as fomented by the Communists. After the election, once the governing parties had succeeded in reaching the majority, Kaas returned to visit to its adversary the vice-chancellor Franz von Papen, proposing to him to put an end to their old quarrels. A few days later the same month, starting from March 15th, he became the principal partisan of the support for the Loi of the full powerss of the administration of Hitler, in exchange of certain guarantees Constitutionnelle S and ecclesiatic. Hitler answered favorably via Von Papen. These talks were in the context of the Propagande organized by Joseph Goebbels on March 21st, called Journée of Potsdam. The 21 and on March 22nd, the leader of the Center negotiated with Hitler the conditions and obtained the agreement. The government promised to send a letter, in which Hitler was to confirm the written agreement, but this one was never sent.

Kaas - as well as other leaders of party - was conscious of the doubtful nature of possible guarantees, and, when the fraction of the Center meets on March 23rd to decide on their vote, he still advised with his comrades of party to support the bill, being given the " precarious state of the fraction" , informant: " On a side we must preserve our heart, but on another side the rejection of the Loi of the full powerss would result in unpleasant consequences for the fraction and the party. It any more but does not remain us to preserve us against the worst. On the assumption that a majority of two thirds would not be obtained, the plans of the government would be carried out by other means. The President gave his agreement to the Loi of the full powerss. It not of hope to restore there the situation on the side of DNVP. "

A considerable group of members of Parliament was opposed however to the standpoint of the head of party, in whom one found the preceding chancellors Brüning and Wirth and the preceding minister Stegerwald. Brüning called this law of " the most monstrous resolution ever requested by a parlement" , and was also skeptic on the efforts of Kaas: " The party has difficult years in front of him, whatever are its decisions. The guarantees so that the government holds its promises were not given. Without the shade of a doubt, the future of the Party of the Center is in danger, and as soon as it is dissolved, it will not be able renaître."

The adversaries also advanced that the social Doctrine of the Church excluded the participation in an act from revolution. Holding of the law answered however that a " revolution nationale" had already occurred with the nomination of Hitler and the order in Council suspending the basic rights, and that the Loi of the full powerss mantiendrait the revolutionary power in some limiting while bringing back the government to the legal order. The two camps were not insensitive with the image that was given Hitler of moderate seeking the co-operation, that it had given during the Journée of Potsdam on March 21st, in opposition to the more revolutionary Sturmabteilung led by Ernst Röhm. Even Brüning thought that it " decisive which groups of NSDAP will be with the capacity in the future. Will it be the accroissemen capacity of Hitler or it will fail, here is the question."

Finally the majority of the members of Parliament of the Center gave her support for the proposals of Kaas. Brüning and its companions agreed to also respect the discipline of the party as a voter in favor of the bill.

March 23rd, the Reichstag meets in midday in dramatic circumstances. men of SA kept the room, while others had gathered outside the building, to intimidate very tentavive opposition. The purpose of the Discours of Hitler, which stressed the importance of the Christianisme in the German Culture, was to alleviate susceptibilities of the Parti the Center and integrated almost textually the Garantie S required by Kaas. Kaas made a Discours, expressing the support of the Center for the bill in the middle of " left concerns of côté" , while Brüning remained manifestly quiet. When the Parliament of joins together again in the evening, all the parties except the Sociaux Democrats, represented by their chief Otto Wels, voted in favor of the Loi of the full powerss. This vote was a major stage towards the institution of the dictatorship of Adolf Hitler, and one remembers it like the first example a democracy which votes for its own end.

Because of the requests for Kaas of guarantees and because of his later implication in the negotiations of the legal settlement with Reich, one claims sometimes that the assent of Kaas' belonged to a misunderstanding of interests between the Saint Seat and the new mode. Its actions could as well have been influenced by reflections on the manner of prolonging and of protecting the interests from the Church and on the manner of achieving the goal of lengthily desired of a legal settlement of national level, which one needed still more being given the position anti-catholic NSDAP. There is however no obviousness of the implication of the Saint Seat in these agreements.

Kaas had envisaged to travel towards Rome since the beginning of the year, to discuss a conflict on Eupen and Malmedy, which was before attached to the Germany and now belonged to the Belgium, where priests had been stopped. This voyage had been deferred because of the political events - initially the nomination of Hitler, then the elections of March, then the Loi of the full powerss -, but on March 24th, one day after the decision, Kaas finally managed to leave for Rome. During this stay, Kaas explained to Pacelli the reasoning of the Center to grant the Loi of the full powerss. March 30th, he was recalled in Germany to take share with the sessions in the work group, which had been promised during the negotiations of the Loi of the full powerss. This work group was animated by Hitler and Kaas and was supposed to inform on later legislative measures, but it meets only three times: March 31st, on April 2nd (followed by a conversation deprived between Kaas and Hitler) and on April 7th. April 5th, Kaas returned also account to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of its conversation in the Eupen-Malmedy business.

Kaas and the legal settlement with Reich

April 7th, directly after the third meeting of the work group, Kaas left Berlin once more and moved towards Rome. The next day, after having changed train with Munich, the prelate managed to meet the Vice-chancellor Papen in the restaurant car. Papen went officially on vacation from winter sports in Italy, but its real destination was the Vatican City, where it was to propose a Concordat with Reich on behalf of its government. Kaas and Papen travelled together and had discussions on this subject in the train. After its arrival with Rome, Kaas was initially accepted by Pacelli on April 9th. One day later, Papen held a meeting the morning with Pacelli and presented the proposal of Hitler. Consequently, the Cardinal Pacelli dispatched Kaas, which was known for its expertise in the relations between the Église and the State, to negotiate the project of Concordat with Papen.

These negotiations prolonged also its stay with Rome, and the course of the events led it not to more put back the foot on the ground of the Germany. May 5th, Kaas resigned of its post of head of party, and the pressure of the German government forced it to be withdrawn from a visible participation in the negotiations of the Concordat. Although the the Vatican tried to prevent that the catholic clergy and organizations are excluded from the policy, it finally had to accept the restriction on the religious and charitable field. Even before the Roman negotiations are not concluded, the Party of the Center yielded to the increasing pressure of the government and dissolves on July 6th.

It was claimed that Pie XI regarded Hitler as a rampart against the Communisme, and for this reason the Concordat signed with Reich, through which Hitler gained an international respectability. On another side, one advanced the argument which the Pope was in front of the alternative to sign a Concordat or to undergo another Kulturkampf. Later, the legal settlement was the base of complaints to the measures of the IIIe Reich against the Église and controlled as from this day the relations between the Roman Catholic church and the German State.

The control of Kaas was also discussed among his/her comrades of party, who saw his sudden and durable voyage towards Rome like a defection and his implication in the negotiations of the legal settlement like a treason with the party. An good example from this point of view is Heinrich Brüning, which denounced Kaas in its memories written in exile and which are not uncontested among the historians.

Continuation of the stay of Kaas to Rome

Kaas, which had played a key function in the negotiations of the legal settlement, espériat to direct an office of information, observing the implementation in Germany. However, the Bertram cardinal considered that Kaas was not the right man for the job, being given his political past, and consequently intervened in Rome to propose to raise Kaas at an honorary station without responsibilities. Kaas was thus named papal notary on March 20th, 1934 and gun of the cathedral Saint Pierre on April 6th 1935. During this time, Hitler was avenged for Kaas by pushing the Diocèse of Trier to take from Kaas its functions in the chapter cathédral of Trier.

In exile, Kaas suffered from the evil of the country and the rejection of his/her comrades of party and of the German episcopate. August 20th 1936, Kaas was named sparing and secretary of the Holy Congregation off the fabric of the Basilique Saint-Pierre. With this function, it was responsible for the archaeological excavation of the tomb of holy Pierre in 1950.

Later in 1939, after the bursting of the Second world war, Kaas was one key figures of the exchanges of the Vatican , during which the circles Widerstand of the German army tried to negotiate with the Alliés through the mediation of the pope. Josef Müller, a Bavarian lawyer, was to go Berlin to Rome with instructions of Hans Oster or Hans von Dohnanyi and to discuss with Kaas or the father Robert Leiber, in order to avoid a direct contact between Müller and the Pope. These exchanges began again in 1943 after the conference of Casablanca, but never arrived to any result.

Ludwig Kaas died in Rome in 1952.

See too

Catholic church of Germany vis-a-vis the Nazism
Law of the full powerss
Rearmament under IIIe Reich
Repentance
Chronology of third Reich

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