Lionel Jospin

See also: Jospin (homonymy)

Lionel Jospin , born the July 12th 1937 with Meudon (Hauts-de-Seine), is a politician French, Prime Minister of 1997 with 2002.

Biography

Origin and childhood

Born in a Protestant family and militant from left, Lionel Jospin is resulting from the second marriage of his/her father Robert Jospin, a pacifist teacher member of the socialist party SFIO, with a midwife, Mireille Dandieu. Of its first marriage, Robert Jospin had two children: a son, Maurice , known as Mowgli, future journalist and jazzman, friend Claude Luter, and a girl, Helene . Union of Robert and Mireille Jospin will be born four children: Agnes , Lionel , Olivier and Noëlle , which will marry the philosopher François Châtelet and will become novelist. From Meudon, where it occupies an apartment, then a villa with garden, the family comes into 1948 to settle with Paris, in the district of the Bastille, Richard-Lenoir boulevard. Two years later, Robert Jospin takes the direction of a center of difficult children, at the Ferté-sous-Jouarre, in Seine-et-Marne.

Teenager, Lionel Jospin integrated under the name of “nimble Language” the unionistic scouts (Protestant) of France in the troop of Paris-Luxembourg, and at 15 years, at the time of a camp in the Jura, as a patrol leader Michel Rocard had, alias “Hamster scholar”. In 1954, it obtains its baccalaureat with the Lycée Janson de Sailly.

From 1956 to 1959, it is student with the Institut of political studies of Paris and residing at the University residence Jean Zay with Antony. It makes a success of the contest of the National school of administration in November 1961. From 1961 to 1963, it carries out its military service as raise-officer at the school of cavalry of Saumur (as before him Jacques Chirac), then as officer of tanks, chief of group of instruction in Trêves (Germany). It finds there the soldier Guy Roux, future trainer of the AJ Auxerre, and the soldier Jean-Loup Dabadie, future scenario writer and lyric writer with success, like his buddies of then: Josselin de Rohan, Jean-Bernard Mérimée and Jean Vidal.

Resulting from a family of left, but rejected by the Stalinism and the colonial policy of SFIO, it joined the movement Trotskiste at the beginning of 1965. It will militate besides with UNEF against the war of Algeria. Under the influence of an educational friend, Michel Lautrec (1937-2000), it belongs to the Lambert group, communist Organization internationalist (OCI) where it militates under the pseudonym of Michel , in homage to its initiator.

Lionel Jospin has three children, resulting from two different marriages. Its first marriage is with Elisabeth Dannenmuller, it Marie then in 1994 with the philosopher Sylviane Agacinski.

Political ascendance

From 1963 to 1965, he is pupil of ENA, in the promotion Stendhal. Are in same promotion: Yves Cannac, the former president of Medef Ernest-Antoine Seilliere, the socialist minister Jean-Pierre Chevènement, the senator RPR then UMP Josselin de Rohan, Alain Gomez, the minister RPR Jacques Toubon, Jean Vidal, Jean-Bernard Mérimée, Tristan d' Albis, and Christian Aubin. It carries out its training course with the prefecture of Bourges, and its “working” training course in the collieries of North.

It enters to the Quai of Orsay as secretary of the Foreign affairs to his exit of the ENA, in 1965. It is with the direction of the economic cooperation of the Quai of Orsay, where it works with Ernest-Antoine Seilliere.

In 1970, it gives up its diplomatic career of to become professor of economy to IUT of Seals (92). After the congress of Épinay, it joined the Socialist party in 1971, at the request of OCI. It meets regularly Pierre Lambert or other persons in charge of the OCI. Lionel Jospin does not lead of it less one fast career to the PS, becoming one protected from François Mitterrand. This last, informed of the years later by Loïk Le Floch-Prigent of dual membership of Lionel Jospin, would have answered “of made you not, I know! I undertake some. It is me which will turn over it”.

In 1973, it enters to the Executive office and becomes National secretary with the formation.

In 1977 Lionel Jospin is elected with the Conseil of Paris, in the XVIII {{E}} district, then appointed capital in 1981, until 1986. In 1988, it makes a success of its parachuting in Haute-Garonne where it is elected appointed, seat which it loses in 1993 after the tidal wave of RPR and UDF, and which it finds in 1997 as a chief of the opposition.

In 1979 with the congress of Metz of the Socialist party it declares “the objective of the PS is not to modernize or moderate capitalism but to replace it by socialism”. He becomes national secretary with the international relations, in charge of coordination to the Socialist party.

In 1981 François Mitterrand is elected president of the Republic. It then has just been elected First secretary of the party, succeeding François Mitterrand. Lionel Jospin keeps this station during all the duration of the first septennate of François Mitterrand. It leaves the OCI during this period, breaking its contacts with the lambertism around 1981.

In 1988, it becomes Minister for State education. While entering to the government, it leaves the post of first secretary of the PS, but preserves certain functions in its center: member of the national office and member of the national council of the PS (until 1997). As minister, it redraws the university chart, in particular by the plane “Universities 2000” and makes adopt the Loi Jospin which, inter alia measurements, reforms the training of the teachers. But the dispute high-school girl weakens it in 1990.

Its eternal competition with Laurent Fabius, exacerbated at the time of the congress of Rennes in 1990, tears the Socialist party. Lionel Jospin moves away from François Mitterrand, must leave the outgoing government of Edith Cresson in 1992. After its defeat with legislative in 1993, not having more that for only mandate that of general adviser of Cintegabelle, it leaves its functions with the PS and dream to withdraw political life, in particular by asking for a station of ambassador, it to what will be opposed Alain Juppe, Foreign Minister of the time.

In 1995 following the desistance from Jacques Delors, then favorite of the surveys, it rebounds and is indicated vis-a-vis the First secretary Henri Emmanuelli candidate of the Socialist party to the presidential election the February 5th. Given losing to the beginning of the election, it at the head creates the surprise while arriving at the first turn, with 23,30%, in front of the rivals RPR Jacques Chirac (20,8%) and Edouard Balladur (18,6%); it obtains 47,36% with the second. Lionel Jospin becomes again then First secretary and directs the opposition. It thus chairs the commission of restoration of the Socialist party from June in October 1995. It makes alliance with the Communist party, the Greens, the Radical left party and, the Mouvement of the Citizens to create the Plural left which gains the legislative elections of 1997 following the dissolution decided by Jacques Chirac the April 21st 1997.

Prime Minister

See also: Government Lionel Jospin

The June 2nd 1997 the president names it Prime Minister: it is the beginning of the Third cohabitation. It forms a government union centered on some close relations: Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Claude Allègre and Martine Aubry. The latter sets up the principal promise of countryside: 35 hours. Enough popular, it must however separate from the hard core of its government: disputed by the teaching trade unions, Claude Allègre gives up State education, while Dominique Strauss-Kahn, put in examination, chooses to resign. At the time of the vast cabinet reshuffle of 2000, it then makes enter the “elephants” of the PS, of which Jack Lang, street of Grenelle, and its historical rival within the PS, Laurent Fabius, with Bercy.

Of 1997 with 2001 contravening Joint Declaration PS-PC of the April 29th 1997 which promised “for France Telecom, Thomson and Air-France, the stop of the privatizations” it undertakes a series of privatizations or opening to the capital deprived to answer waitings and obligations due to European construction: France Telecom, Thomson Multi-media, the GAN, the CIC, AGF, Marseilles Company of Credit, RMC, Air France, Crédit Lyonnais, Eramet, Aerospace-Matra, EADS Bank Hervet. It also disappoints many sympathizers of the left in connection with the factory Renault de Vilvoorde in Belgium (although expressing a few months earlier against closing, it could not stop the process).

In his speech of November 5th, 1998 with Craonne where it inaugurated the sculpture of Haïm Kern, at the time of the 80ème birthday of the Armistice of 1918, the Lionel Jospin Prime Minister wished that the soldiers “shot for the example”, “exhausted by attacks condemned in advance, slipping into a soaked mud of blood, plunged in a despair bottomless”, which “refused to be sacrificed”, victims “of a discipline whose rigor had of equal only the hardness of the engagements, reinstate today, fully, our national collective memory. In the context of Cohabitation, this initiative was criticized by the President of the Jacques Chirac Republic

In 2001, its past trotskist is revealed in press articles ( Le Monde , the Express train , Nouvel Observateur ), then in two biographies. The rumor ran since 1982 (fed in particular by three former members of the communist Organization internationalist, Yvan Berrebi, Patrick Dierich and Boris Fraenkel) but had up to that point been contradicted by the interested party, who affirmed to be confused with his brother Olivier Jospin, itself acknowledged militant of the organization trotskist. The obligation to recognize the facts finally destabilizes it. On the economic plan, Lionel Jospin profits one period of clearing related to a world strong growth, with in particular the take-off of the New technologies (its share of responsibility in this situation is source of debate), and implements a policy targeted on employment (Employment-youths, Prime for employment, lowers VAT, support for consumption, reductions in charges, reform on the annualisation of the working time n the other hand of the 35h); between 1997 and 2001, the unemployment passes from the record rate of 12,2% to a floor of 8,6%, but it will pass by again the bar of the 9% in 2002. The impact of the reform of the 35h remains however disputed, for two reasons, the first relates to the effectiveness even reform and second is due to the fact that at this time, there was not the retreat which made it possible to judge correctly.

On the social plan, it sets up the Couverture universal disease and the Personalized allocation of autonomy for the elderly.

On the sociétal plan, it sets up the PACS (civil pact, which allows the union of the couples without passing by the marriage, that they is heterosexuals or homosexual), who sees the head-on opposition of the Church and catholic line.

In the field of safety, it sets up the local police, charged “to humanize the young people with the eyes of the police force and to humanize the police force with the eyes of the young people”.

On the institutional level, and with the president Jacques Chirac (who, initially reticent, lines up with the project), it organizes a referendum on the reduction of the presidential mandate at 5 years. Yes largely carries it, with nearly 83,91%, but the abstention is of 69,81%.

The presidential campaign of 2002

To trust of its assessment, it presents in 2002 to the presidential election. It badly manages a campaign marked by the topic of the Insécurité, subject describes like having taken a disproportionate place by some, mainly in the data processing by the media. Others show even the latter to support the Extreme-right-hand side by poking the Racisme through images showing often only “foreigners”, principal of the offenses, burning cars and facing the police force. These allegations were contradicted by the media themselves, but the extreme line climbs nevertheless in the public opinion. Lionel Jospin is not concerned with it in addition to measurement. Thus, it badly evaluates these risks which are added to divisions of the left: it does not manage to gather under its candidature the components of its plural majority which introduce each one a candidate to the presidential election. Its positioning is not clear, affirming at the beginning of the countryside that its “project is not socialist”, then moderating thereafter this matter with red flags at the time of the meetings. In addition, its personal attacks against the President had a mitigated effect (“an old President, used, tired”). He cannot profit from the teaching electorate, which however is traditionally won over to the left, because of his policy in the field of education (Allègre reforms, interventions of S. Royal). Lastly, it is reproached to him for not having benefitted from the years of solid economic growth to face the major societies' problems, in particular the reform of the retirements.

The poll will be marked by a very strong abstention (28,40%). The April 17th, 4 days before the first turn, in an interview, it considers not very serious the assumption of its absence to the second round. However, it is eliminated (by obtaining only 16,18% of the votes cast) as of the first turn by the voters who placed Jean-Marie Le Pen (16,9%) in second position behind Jacques Chirac who will be elected very largely (82,2%) after broad mobilizations, in all France, against the extreme line. Depity by its bitter failure, it announces the evening of the first turn its withdrawal of the political life, while declaring “Beyond the demagogy of the right-hand side and of the dispersion of the left which made possible this situation, I fully assume the responsibility for this failure and I draw the conclusions from them by withdrawing me from the political life, after the end of the presidential election. ”

Since 2002

In 2005 leaves its book the world as I see it , which starts again the polemics about its possible political comeback.

The November 26th 2005, Lionel Jospin affirms on the radio Europe 1 which he is not “candidate with the candidature” of the Socialist party for the presidential election in 2007 and which he withdrew “from the active political life” in April 2002. It lets however imply on various occasions which it would be ready to be presented if the Socialists ask him.

The August 26th 2006, with the approach of the presidential election of 2007, Lionel Jospin intervenes at the summer school of the PS, without however deciding about its possible candidature in 2007. The September 4th 2006, Lionel Jospin declares being “able to assume the load of Head of the State” but, the September 28th 2006, it announces finally that it gives up being candidate with the candidature for the presidential one within the socialist party.

The November 16th 2006, during the vote of nomination candidate to presidential, it is able to vote towards 16:50. “I do not have blank vote. That there is a second round would be in the logic of my vote”, releases the former Prime Minister at his exit.

The February 23rd 2007, Lionel Jospin joined the team of countryside of Ségolène Royal, at the sides in particular of the two former rivals of the latter, Dominique Strauss-Kahn and Laurent Fabius.

In its book the Dead end published in September 2007, Lionel Jospin estimates that Ségolène Royal " does not have human qualities nor the capacities politiques" necessary to give the Socialist party in functioning order and " to hope to gain next the présidentielle".

He is member of the club the Century.

Course

Local mandates

Mandates of deputy

  • 1981 - 1986, elected appointed of Paris in the 27e district (districts of the Vault and the Drop of Gold in the 18th district).
  • Mars 1986: re-elected appointed of Paris
With the legislative elections of March 1986 (these elections are with the proportional secondary road), it is with the head of a list PS MRG on Paris. He is elected with 7 other socialist deputies (as much as RPR).
  • September 1986: appointed elected official of Haute-Garonne (socialist chief candidate);
Solicited by the Federation PS of Haute-Garonne at the time of a difficult partial legislative election, it is presented and is elected appointed 7th district of the Haute-Garonne and thus gives up its mandates of deputy and advising of Paris.

European deputy

  • 1984 - 1988, elected appointed European.

Political office

  • 1973 - 1993: member of the management committee and the executive office of the Socialist party;
  • In 1973, it enters to the Executive office and becomes national secretary with the Formation.
  • 1975 - 1979: national secretary of the Socialist party, in charge of the relations with the countries of the Third world;
  • 1979 - 1981: national secretary of the Socialist party, in charge of the international relations;
  • 1981 : campaign director of François Mitterrand for the presidential election;
  • 1981 - 1988, becomes first secretary (leader) Socialist party.
  • national secretary with the international relations, in charge of coordination to the Socialist party; of mission near the first secretary of the PS, charged with sat social transformation; member of the executive office and the national council
  • 1987: chair commission of preparation of the Electoral campaign of the socialist candidate the presidential election;
  • 1993 : resignation of the management committee and the executive office of the Socialist party;
  • president of the commission of restoration of the Socialist party (June at October 1995 - 1995;
  • 1993 : member of the National council of the Socialist party;
  • first secretary of the Socialist party 1995 - 1997; member of the national office and member of the national council of the PS (until in 1997;

Ministerial career

Quotation

  • In 1979, with the congress of Metz of the PS it declares the objective of the PS is not to modernize or moderate capitalism but to replace it by socialism
  • “Beyond the demagogy of the right-hand side and the dispersion of the left which made possible this situation, I fully assume the responsibility for this failure and I draw the conclusions from them by withdrawing me from the political life, after the end of the presidential election. ”. One will be able to note that Lionel Jospin uses the word by no means definitively contrary to what is generally thought.
  • During every year of the mitterrandism we never were vis-a-vis a fascistic threat and thus, any antifascism was only theater. We were vis-a-vis a party, the Front National, which were a party of extreme right-hand side, a populist party also with its way, but we never were in a situation of fascistic threat and even not vis-a-vis a fascistic party.

See too

Works

  • the Invention of possible the , Flammarion, 1991.
  • Time to answer , discussions with Alain Duhamel, Stock, 2002.
  • the world as I see it , Gallimard, 2005. ISBN 2070774430
  • the Dead end , Flammarion, 2007.

Speech, short speeches

  • the declaration of Lionel Jospin at the evening of April 21st, 2002.
  • One finds on the site of the Prime Minister, in the part files, 582 speeches, short speeches and interventions of Lionel Jospin of the period 1997-2002
  • Speech of general policy made with the National Assembly on June 19th, 1997
  • Allocution pronounced in the Pantheon of Paris on January 13rd, 1998, for the commemoration of the centenary of the publication by Emile Zola, in the newspaper the Dawn, of the open letter to the President of the Republic in connection with the judgment of the Dreyfus captain.

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