Likoud

The Likoud (ליכוד, is literally consolidation ) is a party Zionist liberal, nationalist and preserving line Israeli, created in 1973 pennies the direction of Menahem Begin, hitherto person in charge of the Herout.

Likoud is inspired very largely by the ideology of the Parti Revisionist (created in 1925 by Vladimir Jabotinsky) then Herout (created in 1948 by Menahem Begin), of which it seems the successor. For this reason, it militates in particular for large Israel including the the West Bank (Judaea-Samarie) and the Gaza Strip.

It gains the elections in 1977 and puts thus fine at one half-century of domination of the left Zionist on the Yichouv then on the state of Israel.

It takes part in all the Israeli governments of 1977 at the end of 2005, except between 1992 and 1996, then between 1999 and 2001. The Prime Minister of these governments was always Likoud (except between 1983 and 1985, or it takes part in the government of Shimon Peres). Until the scission with Kadima (at the end of 2005), it thus seems one of the 2 dominant political parties in Israel (with the workers party).

This article can be read with the articles Parti Revisionist and Herout.

Origins

Vladimir Jabotinsky created in 1925 the Parti Revisionist, “to revise” the Sionisme in a more nationalist direction. The Révisionniste party has as an ideology:

a Jewish State extending on two banks from the river the Jordan: Palestine agent and Jordan.
the defense of the economic liberalism vis-a-vis the socialist ideas which dominate at the time the Yichouv (Jewish community in Palestine).
the defense of political liberalism (democracy). It is noted however that minority currents of extreme-right-hand side operate with the right-hand side of the party. See the chapter Zionism revisionist: Fascistic temptation and Birionim (1928-1933).

The movement revisionist is organized in the years 1930 in several organizations:

the Left Revisionist itself, directed by Vladimir Jabotinsky.
the Betar, youth movement independent of the party, but which is also claimed of Jabotinsky.
the Irgoun Zvaï Leumi (National Military Organization), clandestine military organization, considered as an terrorist organization by the the United Kingdom and the Jewish Agency (executive Zionist in Palestine agent). From 1937 to 1948, Irgoun conducted 3 campaigns: from 1937 to 1939 against the Arab civil population, of 1944 to 1947 against the British and of at the end of 1947 in the middle of 1948 against the Arab civil population and the Arab armed groups. Jabotinsky is its political leader until 1940 (rather theoretical function).
the Lehi, radical dissenting organization of Irgoun, appeared in 1940. Lehi is claimed of a radical version of the current revisionist until 42-43, before moving away some. But certain currents of Lehi remain close to the revisionists.

After the death of Jabotinsky, in 1940, the first 3 organizations, which recognized its authority, do not have any more a common chief.

In 1943, Menahem Begin, former head of the Betar of Poland, regarded as a little more “hard” that Jabotinsky, took the direction of Irgoun, and started again in 1944 the armed struggle against the British.

In 1948, Irgoun is dissolved under the pressure of the new Israeli government (business of the Altalena). Menahem Begin creates Herout then, to gather the movement revisionist. The new party absorbs the Révisionniste party and the old ones of Irgoun. Those obtain the majority of the control units, when the “policies” of the Parti Revisionist, regarded as more moderate (they sometimes criticized the attacks of Irgoun), are put at the variation of the leading authorities.

Only the Lehi remains at the beginning outside the Herout, and creates transitory “a party of the combatants”, of which many members will enter then (but not all), to the Herout, like Yitzhak Shamir.

Herout under the direction of Menahem Begin remains a relatively marginal party (in lower part of 15%) of the elections of 1948 with those of 1961. It seems with much too nationalist. Its claims of annexation of the Jordan are often felt like too aventurists.

In 1965, Herout is combined within the coalition Gahal with the general Sionistes of the liberal party, the historical movement of the centrism Zionist. In 1967, at the time of the War the six day old, the worker government invites Gahal to take part in the government. It will remain there until 1970, leaving it in opposition to the American peace plan said “Plan Rogers”.

Alliance with the centrists and the participation in the government, but also the progressive abandonment of the claim on the Jordan, gives to the right-hand side Zionist a more moderate image.

The creation of Likoud (1973)

Likoud is created in 1973, when the Gahal (Herout + liberal party) and the La' amndt decide to gather for the legislative elections. La' amndt gathers 3 relatively marginal small groups: the “free Center” (dissenting of the Herout), the “List of State” (dissenting members of the Labor Party) and “movements for large Israel” (dissenting members of the Labor Party). Likoud thus corresponds especially to old Gahal.

Ariel Sharon played a big role in the creation of the new party, but leaves it quickly. It will join it in 1977.

Since 1973, the new person in charge of the party is Menahem Begin, former chief of the Irgoun and the Herout. The program is that of the revisionists since 1925. Large Israel always is asserted, but redefined: the Jordan is not asserted any more. They are the zones occupied by Israel after the Guerre the six day old which is now in the middle of the territorial claims of Likoud.

Because of the many factions which already the parties founders comprised, it will have to be waited until 1988 so that Likoud becomes a true unit party.

Since 1973, the new party confirms its opening, with 30,2% of the votes.

Victory of 1977

Menahem Begin becomes Prime Minister of Israel in 1977, putting fine at the domination members of the Labor Party who dated from the period of the Yishouv. Likoud obtained 33,4% of the votes and 43 seats (out of 120). It is immediately reinforced by fusion with the small part Shlomzion (2 seats) of Ariel Sharon.

The victory was made possible by several phenomena:

the credible image of governing party obtained by the participation in the worker government of 1967 - 1970;
the new credibility of the old project of large Israel: after the War the six day old of 1967, it is not any more question of conquering Jordaniens territories or Egyptian, it is enough to preserve the already conquered grounds;
the rallying of the religious Zionists of the PNR: traditionally, those were allies of the members of the Labor Party. After 1967, one sees appearing a " faction of the jeunes" , which considers that the " large Israël" is a religious duty. In 1977, this faction carries it: the PNR reverses alliances and rejoins Likoud;
the rallying of the monks not-Zionists: the party of the ultra-orthodoxe Jewish is the party Agoudat Israel. It was in the opposition since 1952, but had always refused to bind to the nationalist right, amongst other things by reserve vis-a-vis the Zionism and with its " culte" state (perceived like idolatry). Menahem Begin will create a strong alliance by accepting many laws of religious coercions (on the respect of the Shabbat, for example), and by strongly increasing the official transfers of funds towards the religious institutions Agoudat;
the rallying of the electorate Sépharade: the Jews of the Arab countries have immigrant in mass in the years 1950 ( to see the articles Aliyah and Jewish Réfugiés of the Arab countries ). They badly lived their underprivileged social status (related to a level of education " moderne" enough weak), but also the devalorization of their cultural traditions by l'" establishment" member of the Labor Party of European origin and Ashkénaze. The danger d'" orientalisation" from Israel was sometimes denounced in terms particularly brutal, and perceived like humiliating by the interested parties. In the years 1970, the rejection of the Labor becomes very strong in this community;
consequences of the War of Kippour of 1973: the Israeli army was taken by surprised by the armies Egyptiennes and Syrian. The situation was finally restored, but the responsibility of the worker government was blamed;
the wear of the capacity: the left Zionist dominates the Yichouv then Israel since the beginning of the years 1930. A certain need for innovation is done day in the electorate. Thus a recruiting party rather on the left, as the Dash chose alliance with Likoud.

Agreements with Egypt and colonization (1977-1982)

From 1977, the Begin government will launch a policy of intensive colonization in the occupied territories after the war of 1967, especially to the West Bank, heart of the project of " large Israël". See the detailed article: Israeli Colonies. .

In 1977, however, Begin accepts the peace overtures of Egypt, which wishes to recover the peninsula of the the Sinai. Although the Israeli line asserted the annexation of whole or part of the Sinai after 1967, the peninsula is not central in the historical claim of the " large Israël". Against the opinion of part of its troops, Menahem Begin accepts into 1977 the Camp David agreements, then, in 1979, agrees to give up any claim on the Sinai. This one will be restored by stage in Egypt between 1979 and 1982.

The war of Lebanon (1982-1985)

In 1978, the Israeli government had decided to occupy a band border at the South Lebanon, to be used as buffer zone between Israel and the zones of which PLO (" Fatahland") had seized in Lebanon following the civil war started in 1975.

In 1982, an operation of great scale is decided beyond the zone controlled by Israel, and this in order to destroy the infrastructure of the PLO in the area. Menahem Begin wished a relatively limited operation. But Ariel Sharon, Minister for Defense and member of Likoud has a vaster project: to carry to the capacity Béchir Gemayel and the Christian phalanges, and to make of Lebanon an ally of Israel.

Without referring about it to Begin, Ariel Sharon pushes the Israeli Armée until Beirut. The PLO, the Lebanese army and the Syrian army, which try to be opposed to it, are swept.

Bechir Gemayel becomes indeed president, but is assassinated almost immediately. Israel finds itself to occupy a vast territory where the armed struggle against the occupant develops, without political prospect. Ariel Sharon resigns in 1982, after the massacres of the Palestinian camps of Sabra and Chatila. In 1983, Menahem Begin, tired and sick, is withdrawn.

The war of Lebanon did not make it possible to build an alliance with Lebanon. It eliminated the military infrastructure from the PLO, but this one is replaced by a more active armed movement still: the Shiite Hezbollah, pro-Iranian and pro-Syrian. Lastly, part of the public opinion Israélienne is declared against the " salt guerre" of occupation, which makes several hundreds of killed between 1982 and 1985 within Tsahal.

The government of National union (1984 - 1990)

After its resignation, Menahem Begin is replaced by Yitzhak Shamir, another member of Likoud. At the time of the legislative elections of 1984, the members of the Labor Party and Likoud make good match, with a very light advance with the members of the Labor Party. The economic crisis and the war of Lebanon explain this Labor increase, even if Likoud resisted well, with 31,9% of the voices.

The two parties are obliged to get along. An agreement of " rotation" is set up: the Members of the Labor Party and Likoud will control together. The Prime Minister will be during 2 years Shimon Peres, then during 2 years Yitzhak Shamir. The government evacuates most of Lebanon in 1985, without to have obtained political agreement. The occupation of Southern Lebanon is maintained, occupation against which Hezbollah will not cease fighting, until the unilateral Israeli withdrawal of 2000.

Colonization continues to develop, but divergences exist between the two parties: the members of the Labor Party wish the reinforcement of the Israeli Colonies being in zones little populated by Palestinian Arabic, zones which they wish to annex. Likoud wishes to preserve the entirety of the the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and thus to develop in-depth colonies in the Palestinian populated zones. The difference is not in the principle of the annexations, nor on their legitimacy (for the two parties, all Eretz Israel belongs of right to the Jewish people). The divergence relates to Arab demography: for the members of the Labor Party, she is opposed to broad annexations: Israel must remain a country with a vast Jewish majority. For Likoud, the presence of a very strong Arab minority (potentially majority account held of its birthrate) is acceptable: the project of Likoud is to grant a certain degree of autonomy (badly definite) to the Arab populations of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, but not to give them the right to vote with the national elections. What is denounced like Apartheid by the opponents with this project. A great Jewish immigration come from the USSR or Western countries is also hoped, immigration which would make it possible to the Jews to become definitively majority in the " large Israël".

The tension between these two strategies will ruin the attempt at bringing together of Shimon Peres with the Jordan for a territorial compromise, carried out in 1985-1986.

From December 1987 the 1st Intifada bursts (the rising of the Palestinian populations). The elections of 1988 thus relate largely to the relevance of a political project (large Israel) integrating these populations within a Jewish state. Likoud obtains a certain advantage, and Yitzhak Shamir remains Prime Minister. Fault of clear majority, the government of National union is prolonged, but the strategic divergences between Likoud and Travaillistes on the question Palestinian increase. In 1990, it is the rupture. The members of the Labor Party leave the coalition.

Yitzhak Shamir was much related than Menahem Begin to the monks. Contrary to this last, it does not show any private interest for the religion. There arrives nevertheless, with some difficulties, to maintain alliance with them, and remains Prime Minister. It strongly starts again the colonization, somewhat slowed down by the members of the Labor Party (at least in the Arab zones with majority, who do not interest the members of the Labor Party). There are 100.000 colonists (apart from Jerusalem-Is) at the end of his mandate, in 1992.

The peace process

In 1991, subjected to strong American pressures, Shamir agrees to take part in the negotiation of Madrid, which was to prepare peace in the Middle East. But always in favor of large Israel, he refuses to really engage in negotiations, which lead obligatorily to requests for withdrawal of the West Bank.

In 1992, it obtains only 24,9% of the voices, and is beaten by the members of the Labor Party. Those sign the Accords of Oslo with PLO in 1993.

Likoud returns then in the opposition. Very reticent with the Agreements of Oslo, it starts a turning towards a economic Libéralisme more marked, under the influence of its new leader as from 1993, Benyamin Netanyahou.

In 1996, Netanyahou becomes Prime Minister of Israel, and gives a crushing argument to the Peace process. The agreements of Oslo are not called into question, but not interpreted with minima. The negotiations on the final status of the Palestinian territories, which were to engage at the summer 1996, do not start. Colonization is started again vigorously. There will be thus 200.000 Jewish settlers in 2000 in the Palestinian territories (especially in the West Bank), out Jerusalem-Is.

In parallel, Benyamin Netanyahou lance an economic policy of Anglo-Saxon inspiration, much more liberal than those of the preceding Likoud governments. This policy runs up against the popular electorate of the party.
La right Israeli has a double electorate: one is resulting from the middle-classes and the middle-class. It is liberal, easy and rather Ashkénaze. The other is an electorate poorer, more popular, and rather Sépharade.
Ces two electorates are linked by their nationalism and their attachment with the set of themes of large Israel.
But the very liberal economic policy which pulse Benyamin Netanyahou is rather badly perceived in these popular environments.

In 1999, the member of the Labor Party Ehud Barak carries the elections and becomes Prime Minister. With 14,1% of votes, Likoud carries out the worst score of its history, given up by part of its popular electorate. Benyamin Netanyahou must resign, and the party then chooses a new leader, Ariel Sharon, regarded as a “falcon” (a hard nationalist).

The second Intifada and the bursting of Likoud (2000-2006)

In 2000, Ehud Barak engages of the negotiations with Palestinian. Those fail: the Israelis asked for the annexation of surroundings 10% of the Palestinian territories and of Jerusalem-Is, ask refused by the Palestinian Autorité. Palestinian demonstrations burst. The Israeli army draws. In a few weeks, there are tens of death, including 40% children and teenagers.

At the end of 2000, the Palestinian organizations rock in the armed struggle. Attacks start to be made, including against Israeli civilians. It is the second Intifada.

Weakened, Ehud Barak convenes elections at the station of Prime Minister (but without legislative elections), whom it loses in January 2001.

Ariel Sharon becomes Prime Minister. Quickly, it shows a big change compared to the principles which found the line Zionist since 1925. He is indeed the first leader of this tendency to openly evoke contradiction between large Arab Israel largely populated and the interest of the Jewish state, set of themes hitherto developed by the left.

Ariel Sharon evokes since 2001 the possibility of a Palestinian state on part of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The territory left to the Palestinians would be unacceptable for those: they are the zones has and B exits of the agreement of Oslo, is 42% of the West Bank and 60% of the Gaza Strip. But it is about a rupture important symbolic system.

Quickly also, Ariel Sharon begins the construction of a " barrier of sécurité" attaching in fact the large colonies of the West Bank to the Israeli territory. At the end of 2005, it includes 7,5% of the Palestinian territory. Proposed originally by the left, criticized by Palestinian, the " barrière" is also rejected by the partisans of large Israel, who fear that the zones left outside become inevitably the territory of a future Palestinian state. They show Sharon of " to divide the ground of Israël".

In 2003, Ariel Sharon goes further. Considering that a negotiation with Yasser Arafat is neither acceptable nor possible, he proposes to trace the borders unilaterally, and to evacuate the most populated Palestinian territories, while starting with the Gaza Strip.

The withdrawal causes the opposition of the majority of the party. The opposition gathers at the same time partisans of large Israel, who refuse to give up the Gaza Strip, and of the nationalists who consider that the abandonment is acceptable, but not without Palestinian counterparts. An internal referendum in Likoud rejects the plan, and the majority of the direction of the party too.

Ariel Sharon passes in addition to, and carries out the evacuation of the Gaza Strip in September 2005. In front of the growing opposition of the party, it leaves this one the November 21st 2005, to found its own party, Kadima. The direction of this new party is taken again by Ehud Olmert in January 2006, after the cerebral vascular accident which plunges Ariel Sharon in the coma.

If it is rejected by Likoud, the idea of a radical separation of with Palestinian became popular in the country. The idea of large Israel is perceived more and more as creating in fact a state Judéo-Arabic whose majority does not want any more. The surveys are thus favorable to Kadima.

The strong man of Likoud becomes again Benyamin Netanyahou which gains the primary education elections of the party, the December 19th 2005. Taking into account the evolution of the Israeli public opinion, it gives up in fact large Israel by proposing a at the beginning of 2006 Palestinian state reduced to 40% of the West Bank.

The general elections of at the end of March 2006 confirm the surveys. Likoud obtains only 9% of the voices, and settles in the opposition. After the defeats of 1999 and that of 2006, the direction of Benyamin Netanyahou becomes very disputed within the party.

The reorganization of the party as from 2006

To the summer 2006, a fatal frontier conflict opposes Israel and the armed organization Shiite Lebanese, the Hezbollah.

The number of deaths, the difficulties of the army of overcoming the combatants of Hezbollah and the failures of civil defense involve a political crisis which strongly degrades the popularity of the Olmert government.

Benyamin Netanyahou finds a great part of its lost popularity. At the end of September 2006, it caracol at the head of the surveys, and Likoud seems almost assured to gain possible anticipated elections.

Consolidated by these new surveys, Benyamin Netanyahou was re-elected on August 14th, 2007, with the presidency of the party. Its challenger Moshe Feiglin, candidate of the religious hard Right, obtained 23% of the voices.

Electoral results since 1973

Source: the site of Knesset.

Bonds

Likud - Official site
History of the Zionism
Zionism
Left Revisionist: the party at the origin of Likoud (1925 - 1948)
Irgoun: the organization armed with the right-hand side revisionist (1937 - 1948)
Herout: the party which gathers old of Irgoun and the Party Revisionist after the creation of Israel (1948-1973)
Parti the General Sionistes: the center and liberal line party (1922-1973) which will join Herout in 1973 to found Likoud.

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