History of Southern Rhodesia - SpeedyLook encyclopedia

The history of Southern Rhodesia corresponds to the period during which the current Zimbabwe (then called Southern Rhodesia) was a British colony of 1890 until the Indépendance of the country in 1980.

The first Portuguese incursions at the 16th century in Southern Africa not having led to the establishment of zones of European settlement , it is not that with the “discovery” by the exploring British David Livingstone of the Chutes Victoria in 1855 then with explorations of Frederick Courtney Selous in the Années 1870 that the British start to be interested in this part wedged of the Africa.

The Rhodesia owes its name and its political and geographical existence with the ambitious British businessman Cecil Rhodos.

Southern Rhodesia of 1890 to 1953

The Rudd concession

In 1887, the King Ndebele Lobengula, which reigned then on the Matabeleland in the north of the river Limpopo, sign a peace treaty with the representatives Boer S of the Republic of South Africa of Transvaal. This treaty results in two representative sending of Lobengula with Pretoria, the capital boer, to meet there the president Paul Kruger. This one promised in return to send a consul to Matabeleland. Alerted by this diplomatic bringing together which opposed the British expansionism, Cecil Rhodos, Député and richissime businessman of the Colonie of the Cape, dispatch as of January 1888 at the court of Lobengula its own representatives in order to discredit Boers by reading out tendentious and erroneous peace treaty signed by illiterate Lobengula.

Named in April 1888 by Kruger, the consul boer Piet Grobler is sent to Matabeleland but, killed in a mysterious ambush, it never arrives at destination. During this time, Charles Rudd, dispatched by Rhodos at Lobengula, negotiates with this last a new agreement. The objectives of Rhodos were clairs : to make bear fruit its own businesses (the Zambézie is then rich in Minerai S), extend the British colonial empire and appease its personal ambition.

The October 13rd 1888, Lobengula, deceived by a bad translation, “concedes” mineral rights to the British South Africa Company (BSAC) of Cecil Rhodos on the territories of Matabeleland, in the south of the river Zambezi. Believing in makes sign a simple right-of-way, it initials the Annexation of sound kingdom (: 195000 km) but also that of the Mashonaland on which it did not reign (the totality of the grounds between the Zambezi and Limpopo were concerned with the document on which it left its digital fingerprint). In exchange, it receives an annual pension of 100 pounds sterling, 1 000 rifles and: 10000 refills and ammunition. The Colonial office British, noting the expansion with so cheap British influence, grants the October 29th 1889 a royal Charte to the BSAC, for one 25 years duration. This charter gave him the authorization to exploit the concession and allots to him all the capacities normally reserved for a Gouvernement.

The May 6th 1890, the Pioneer Column share of Kimberley under the control of Leander Starr Jameson, first administrator of the BSAC, and Frederick Courtney Selous in direction of Matabeleland. The column was made up of 180 colonists and 500 men (police and missionaries), all equipped by the BSAC. The pioneers ( those which see each horizon as a challenge ) had launched out in the adventure in the name of the British Empire, for Cecil Rhodos and the Queen Victoria. The BSAC also allots 1 to them; 284 hectares of grounds and 15 gold bearing titles free.

The June 27th 1890, these pioneers found Fort Victoria and the September 12th Fort Salisbury.

Southern Rhodesia of the BSAC (1890-1923)

In a few months, the Britanniques expel the Portuguese is territory and found Umtali.

In November 1893, the troops Ndébélés of the king Lobengula entered in war against the British are overcome and Bulawayo, the Capitale ndébélé set fire to by the king in escape, is conquered. Lobengula dies as for him six months later of the Variole, in clandestinity. Its grounds are divided by the British South Africa Company : each received White: 3000 gold bearing morgens, 20 titles and part of the Cattle having belonged to Lobengula.

In 1895, the BSAC annexes the kingdoms of the Mashonaland and the Matabeleland within the Zambézie of the South. Overcome, Ndébélés and the Shonas are relegated in “reserves”.

The territories managed by the BSAC, divided into Zambézie of North and Zambézie of the South upstream and downstream from the river Zambezi, are baptized Rhodesia of North and Southern Rhodesia in the honor of Cecil Rhodos, initiator of this territorial conquest (the name failed to be that of Cecilia , in the honor of the marchioness of Salisbury).

In January 1896, noting the weakness of the army of the BSAC after the failure of the Jameson raid on the Transvaal, Ndébélés start the “ Chimurenga ” ( rebellion or war of liberation ) to protest against the living conditions imposed by the British. The March 24th, a first colonist is killed. Then, following vagueness of crimes without precedent, the colonists of the districts isolated from Matabeleland are evacuated to be put at the shelter behind the enclosures of Bulawayo, Gwelo, Belingwe and Tuli which is then besieged. In June, Mashonaland is gained by the revolt and the road between Salisbury and Umtali is cut by the rebels shonas. The engagements make rage. The British imperial troops, usually stationed with the Native , have then the besieged responsibility of release Bulawayo and cities. The colonists then plead at Cecil Rhodos the implementation of a policy of extermination that this one refuses. Under the pressure of the government of London, it comes on the other hand in person and only in the middle of the Monts Matobo in order to negotiate a Armistice with the ndébélés chiefs the August 21st 1896. Two months later, peace is signée : Ndébélés recover part of their grounds and a certain degree of autonomy on their interior matters but on their side, Shonas continue to resist. Rhodos is tempted to accept the peace proposal of the chief shona Makoni but the British high command interposes, determined to require a unconditional surrender. This one intervenes finally after the hanging of the main leaders, Kagubi and Nehanda, on April 27th, 1898.

Cecil Rhodos and Lord Grey, administrator of the BSAC, draw the identical conclusions of these events. Rhodos, in particular, favorably considered Ndébélés following the personal bonds which it had woven with them during the negotiations for the armistice. He declares himself ready to practice a humanistic policy and liberal E of honest co-operation. Lord Grey as for him is convinced of the capacity of Shonas to modernize to them economy and considers them by no means servile or stupid like the colonists had described to him. But the latter, opponents irreducible with the assimilation, manage to impose their point of view to the administrators of the BSAC, making profitable the divergences of this one with the Colonial Office . After a media campaign in the press and threatens it of a rebellion, they obtain a new administrative mode for Southern Rhodesia. By decree of October 20th, 1898, an executive council and a legislative council are créés : the colonists henceforth elect four of the nine members of the legislative council (five others being named by the BSAC). This council is entirely composed of White and represents only the latter.

In 1899, the legislative council is installed to control the colony. The importance of the representation of the colonists will not cease growing there as was going to decrease that of the BSAC.

In addition, of the reserves had been created with the exclusive use of the Indigène S and being used as tanks of Main-d'oeuvre at a cheap rate. No European can nevertheless penetrate there except for the civil authorities and of the missionaries. The latter approve this territorial segregation because they see there especially a means of protecting the Africans against the influences from the bad Europeans . They see there also grounds of mission where they can build school S, Dispensaire S, hospital, firm, churches and to teach the religion of Christ. It is able to them often to be opposed to the average employees by the colonists but they are only opposed very seldom to the principle even of the Colonisation. They become “administrators and mediators between God, the colonial government and the Africans”.

New Rhodésiens (or Rhodium to indicate the White of Rhodesia), like any conquerors, is convinced of the inferiority of the indigenous populations and that their supervision on these last cannot be made that with their advantage.

The British themselves are satisfied to see that they did not have to organize a massacre as that had occurred a few decades earlier in New Zealand and than, better, they made build hospitals for the Blacks and prohibited to them the consumption of alcohol in order to prevent that they do not undergo the fate of the Amerindian of North America.

In 1902, Cecil Rhodos dies in the Cape. It is buried on the Monts Matobo, close to Bulawayo, greeted by hundreds of warriors Matabélés.

In 1904, Southern Rhodesia counts: 12000 colonists then: 24000 as of 1911.

In 1914, the charter of the BSAC arrives in the long term. The colonists arrive so that it is renewed for ten years with a reserved Clause envisaging the autonomy territories before the end of the decade.

In small about thirty years, the colonists managed to build cities with Banque S, churches, hospital and school S, to open Route S, to clear the bush and to irrigate arid grounds. The Railroad which leaves the Cape connects Bulawayo as of 1890 then crosses the Chutes Victoria to reach the Katanga in 1907. Independent lines relay Bulawayo and Salisbury with Beira with the Mozambique. But all the grounds close to the railways were monopolized by the colonists, relegating the Africans in zones without real outlets. Mines of Gold, of Asbestos, coal and Chrome are put in exploitation whereas, just like the bovine breeding , the Agriculture (Tabac, Céréale S) develops.

The Shonas and the Ndébélés only benefit very little from this economic expansion and Industrie lle and continue to live according to a traditional economy, withdrawing ground only the necessary one to their survival. However, the colonists, too very few, are dependant on their labor force and by the law will oblige these tribes to integrate the “civilization of the work” whose showpiece was the Masters and Serving Act of November 29th, 1901. According to this one, the work contracts, writings or oral examinations, were concluded for one month but no minimum Salaire was fixed, the servants being obliged to follow their Masters in their displacements.

In 1922, after violent quarrels between the colonists and the BSAC, the White of Southern Rhodesia claim to them emancipation and the political autonomy. Consulted by Referendum, they draw aside fastening with the South Africa.

The British colony (1923-1953)

In 1923, noting that the Bénéfice S south-rhodésiens were far from corresponding to what was awaited, the British South Africa Company transfers Rhodesias to the British Couronne. A self government, directed by Charles Coghlan, is then installed with Salisbury and is responsible for the management of the territory of the Southern Rhodesia. The Rhodesia of North and the Nyassaland, much less Europeanized, remain under the control of the Colonial Office .

The British monarch was henceforth represented by a Gouverneur, which could act against the opinion of the Prime Minister south-rhodésien. The British Parliament preserved the right to legislate for the colony, could suspend its Constitution and intervene in the national legislation under the reserved clauses (of which that with the title of the protection of the indigenous rights). The government south-rhodésien included/understood a Prime Minister elected by the 30 members of the legislative assembly (itself elected with the vote censitaire) and a cabinet trained by the Prime Minister. Although the colony was still officially nonracial, the right to vote was based on the British citizenship and the annual incomes, of the conditions that very few Blacks could fill. As for the indigenous reserves, the constitution guaranteed inviolability to them.

The goal of this stamping from the colonists of Southern Rhodesia was to encourage the Immigration towards this territory in order to make of it a Dominion comparable with the South African Union.

In 1927, there was: 38200 White for: 922000 Blacks in Southern Rhodesia. As comparison, there was 4 000 White for a million Blacks in Rhodesia of north and 1 700 White in Nyassaland for: 1350000 Blacks.

In 1929, a secretariat with indigenous education was created by the government of Howard Unwin Moffat. In 1930, the schooling became obligatory for the only children of colonists whereas the appropriations allocated with the education of the black children, twenty times more, did not reach the quarter of those of the white children.

In the Years 1930, a segregationist mode was officially founded with the Law of distribution of the grounds ( Land Apportionnement Act ) whereas in 1934, a law established a segregationist social legislation, prohibiting with the Blacks the access to certain professions or the establishment in zones declared white. Thus, the territory was divided between white area, the reserves, the funds of indigenous purchase, the grounds of the missions and the grounds of the crown. On the whole, the surface allocated with the Blacks was appreciably equal to those of the White but the latter were ten times fewer than the Africans. In addition, the best grounds and the grounds in edge of the transportation routes were located in white area. The farmers of these zones were going besides to know a very great prosperity. The indigenous reserve, however justified by the British legislator to make it possible to the Africans to nourish itself according to their traditional saving in subsistence, was going to appear completely insufficient for a population in full population growth. Lastly, the Salaire S of the Blacks were very low whereas those did not profit from any social advantage granted to the White.

If the production of consumer goods should exceed the inner demand, it was quickly turned towards the foreign trade whereas the Industrie S secondaries, also established in white area, developed. The cities like Salisbury, Bulawayo and Umtali were the first recipients of this policy whereas the Chutes Victoria, the border of the two colonies rhodésiennes, allowed the rise of a Tourisme of luxury for the Européens, the Rhodesia NS and easy South-Africans.

The African opposition to this segregationist policy was constituted but it remained little organized. There existed thus a Rhodesia Bantu Voter' S Association , a Southern Rhodesia Native Association and a Southern Rhodesia African National Congress . They represented only small the black Middle-class and aimed only at one reform of the system. It was necessary to await the Années 1940 so that a more virulent opposition is born with the African Voice Association .

Until 1946, the education of the black children had been primarily assured by the missionaries. It is on this date, the shortly after the Second world war, that the government south-rhodésien dealt with African schooling in urban area and opened secondary schools. It was a question for the government of taking again the instruction whereas the first black political leaders left the schools of the missions.

In 1946, the number of White was of: 80500 colonists for: 1640000 Africans (: 20000 White in Rhodesia of North for: 1600000 Blacks and: 2300 White with the Nyassaland for: 2340000 Africans).

For the Africans, the economic development of the Southern Rhodesia had been always accompanied by a hardening of the segregation. This one was absolute in local transport. No African occupied of station raised in the administration and if, at the time of the visit of the British Royal family in 1947, several representatives African were invited to the official receptions, they were it only as figuration.

In addition, the Blacks did not have the right to take the elevators in the commercial buildings and the segregation was absolute in the post offices and the school S. Those were divided besides into three categories, according to the race (African, Asiatiques and Blancs). This economic development had increased the rough National revenue considerably of Southern Rhodesia but the three quarters of this one went to the white sector against a quarter to the black sector, which however accounted for 92% of the population. Thus in 1949, an investigation of the the United Nations revealed that Southern Rhodesia was one of the territories where the disparity of the incomes was one of highest monde : the annual income of an African was of 31$ against 1 170$ for Rhodésien of European origin.

Contrary to their compatriots of Rhodesia of North, the Blacks of Southern Rhodesia did not enjoy the right of Grève, could not adhere to a Syndicat or with a land Political party and their rights were respected little. Thus, in 1951, a law on the agricultural property of the Africans ( Native Land Husbandry Act ), dividing into small properties of six acres the Pasture S commun runs of the African reserves, started an unknown nationalist enthusiasm until there. These pieces were manifestly insufficient and their establishment admitted implicitly that European industries could count on the arms in excess. Indeed, this law precipitated the birth of a proletariat “without rights, grounds, hearth” whereas the immense ones extended from arable lands remained in waste land in white area.

At the beginning of the Years 1950, Southern Rhodesia counted then more than two million inhabitants of which: 200000 White (either precisely a White for 13 Blacks).

The Federation of Rhodesia and Nyassaland (1953-1963)

In 1953, after many hesitations, the British Gouvernement decided to try out an administrative and economic union of its colonies of central Africa by gathering them under the control of a Federal government. This Federation of Rhodesia and Nyassaland (or Federation of central Africa) was to make it possible to cleanse the economy of two Rhodesias whereas the Nyassaland was to be used as reserve of Main-d'oeuvre useful for the Industrialization of the area. The racial association under consideration within an officially multiracial State was to finally make it possible to safeguard the interests of the British colonial Empire and to be a political and economic example for other States in prey with Révolte S nationalist like the Kenya.

The Federation founded the installation of a federal government and the granting of certain rights to the Africans. Those were associated with the decisions of the government to enable them to acquire the experiment of the management of the businesses and the possibility of exerting in the future the reality of the capacity. The Blacks could Vote R but the conditions to reach the right to vote were so drastic that less than thousand of them had a voter registration card. Nevertheless, six of the 35 members of the federal Parliament was Blacks and three additional White were to take care of the respect of the interests of the Africans. A committee of the African businesses could in addition call some with the British government if it estimated that the rights of the Africans were not respected. Thus, several segregationist laws were abolished in all the Federation (the Blacks could now practice professions which had been prohibited to them and work in downtown area). Official the south-rhodésiens admitted besides that the Blacks could one day become majority in the Parlement S.

The Southern Rhodesia preserved its self government for the interior matters.

The post of Prime Minister for the Federation returned in Sir Godfrey Huggins (anobli under the title of Lord Malvern) which was since 1933 the Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia. Its successor with the head of the government of the colony was Garfield Todd, a federalistic liberal in favor of the accession to the capacity carefully of the majority black and opposing to the racial Discrimination.

The federal government of Godfrey Huggins (of the plain federal Party) endeavoured to develop the Industrie, monopoly of the white colonists and the Agriculture, particularly the plantations of Tabac. It could not prevent the Paupérisation however rural areas. One of the headlights projects (and historical heritage) of the Federation were especially the construction of the hydro-electric stopping of the Lac Kariba whose supplied energy was then sent towards the big cities and the industrial parks as the mines of the “Ceinture of copper” of Rhodesia of North. The federal political parties being also nonracial, good number of Africans started to adhere to it like Joshua Nkomo to the plain federal Party of Godfrey Huggins.

However, the African population of both Protectorate S of Rhodesia of North and Nyassaland conceived of advantage the Federation like a little runt of the Colonialisme and white Suprématie. If the Federation widened well the economic rights and social Blacks of Southern Rhodesia, it was an obstacle with the nationalist aspiration of the Africans of Rhodesia of North and Nyassaland.

In 1955, the City Youth League was rested by black nationalists. In 1957, it amalgamated with the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress to form a new ANC directed by the Labor leader ndébélé Joshua Nkomo.

In 1958, Garfield Todd was constrained by its party, the plain federal party ( United Federal Party - UFP), to resign of its post of Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia. It was replaced by a partisan of the segregation, Edgar Whitehead. The fall of Todd convainquit the Africans who the white colonists wanted to go towards a system of Apartheid and did not believe in the principle of association preached by the federation.

February 26th, 1959, the state of emergency was proclaimed in each of the three colonies. The ANC of Nkomo was then prohibited. It reconstituted on January 1st, 1960 under the banner of the National Democratic Party . More than 500 nationalist leaders were stopped and interned around Marandellas. Joshua Nkomo, then abroad, was the only nationalist leader to escape the raids. Southern Rhodesia however did not know a violent one risings but rather of the peaceful distrust campaigns. Their inspiration was the mode of protest then in progress in the south of the the United States. Vêtus in costumes, they entered bars, hotels or restaurants reserved for the White and asked a consumption. As they were not beaten or expelled, they arose with dignity under the insults.

If the Blacks of Southern Rhodesia, contrary to their counterparts of the two other territories, were not hostile with the Federation, it was that this one had brought advantages to them. It was within this constitutional framework that they fixed the essence of their political combat. They called of it with a fully democratic constitution under the slogan “one man one vote”.

In October 1960, the Monckton Report/ratio commissioned by the British government noted “the pathological and general hatred Africans of Rhodesia of North and Nyasaland towards the Federation”. The primary reason was allotted to the attitude of the White of Southern Rhodesia but those also were partly unfavourable with the Federation by fear of the political power crescent of the Blacks. The Monckton report/ratio proposed nevertheless to save the Federation by abrogeant any policy of racial discrimination inside the three colonies.

In December 1960, Joshua Nkomo, Kenneth Kaunda and Hastings Kamuzu Bandaged, the African representatives of two Rhodesias and of Nyassaland, left the constitutional conference open to Lancaster House with an aim of revising the provisional federal constitution of 1953. They thus protested against the intransigence of the white colonists of Southern Rhodesia to refuse the racial and political equality.

Hastings Kamuzu Bandaged and Kenneth Kaunda, the African leaders of the Nyassaland and Rhodesia of North were not long in engaging of the talks with the British government to withdraw process of revision definitively and to obtain independence.

In January 1961, a new called conference with London led to a new constitution project for Southern Rhodesia giving to the Africans 15 seats deputies on a total of 65. Joshua Nkomo gave initially its agreement in principle but finally refused to sign under the pressure of its party and the African opinion. This reversal was especially a failure for the government south-rhodésien of Edgar Whitehead which, as a sign of opening, had put an end to petty racial discriminations in the public places, the cinemas and the swimming pools. The black nationalists wanted rights more substantial and the legal equality and citizen.

In July 1961, the news Constitution was proposed by Référendum with: 80000 voters south-rhodésiens. Boycotted by: 4000 African voters with the call of Nkomo, it was approved by the white voters, satisfied to see the the United Kingdom giving up its reserved capacities which authorized it to intervene to defend the African interests.

The constitution then was approved by the British Parliament on November 22nd, 1961 and came into effect on December 6th, 1961.

With the end of the year 1961, the first Kingpin were used in the streets against the symbols of the white capacity. December 8th, 1961, the NDP was then prohibited. Joshua Nkomo created a new movement the December 17th, the Zimbabwe African People' S Union (ZAPU), asserting the racial equality, the right to vote and the independence of the country which would take the name of Zimbabwe in reference to the ruins précoloniales discovered close to Fort Victoria. The ZAPU was prohibited in September 1962 with the reason for its implication in actions of Sabotage and Vandalisme.

The surge of: 25000 European refugees fleeing the Belgian Congo after those which had flees the Kenya at the time of the revolt of the Mau Mau finished traumatiser the descendants of the pioneers of Rhodos. The Party of the Dominion had already asked for a year earlier creation on the Zambezi of a Ligne Maginot of defense of civilization in Southern Africa. William To grip, leader of the Party of the Dominion, had then decided against the new constitution and had been joined on this topic by Ian Smith, a veteran of the Second world war and resigner of the federal Party Uni. But the constitution had been approved with a vast majority.

Nationalist agitation growing, this one became violent and threatened “the small paradise” that had created for themselves the descendants of the colonists. In March 1962, the Party of the Dominion, the dissidents of the linked federal Party and the members of some racist bunches then amalgamated in a Front rhodésien ( Rhodesian Front - RF) in order to dispute in Whitehead the elections of end of the year. The Face rhodésien was caught some with the federal constitution which he proposed to amend because according to them, she “intended to promote the domination of the Africans before those acquired a sufficient experiment of the democratic government”.

The May 16th 1962, for contrary reasons, the special committee of the United Nations on the Décolonisation decided for the dissolution of the Federation. The June 28th 1962, the General meeting of the United Nations required of the the United Kingdom to convene a new constitutional conference which would guarantee the rights of the majority of the population.

The October 30th 1962, with the platform of the the United Nations, Roy Welensky, the first federal minister, still tried to save the Federation and declared “without any doubt, the Africans will be the majority in about fifteen years”.

The December 14th 1962, the Face rhodésien carried out by Winston Field gained 55% of the voices and 35 seats against 44% of the votes and 29 seats with the plain federal Party at the time of the general elections south-rhodésiennes. Declarations of Whitehead promising the abolition of all racial discriminations whose law of distribution of the grounds had ended up frightening the white voters. This election expressed with the eyes of the British government the fear of the White of Southern Rhodesia, thrown into a panic by the development of the multiracial policy preached by Whitehead. The Face rhodésien had carried it 8 000 votes on the plain federal Party. However, there was on this date: 10000 black voters who had massively boycotted the election according to the watchwords of Joshua Nkomo.

The government took radical measures then. Intending well to push back the communist danger , it prohibited under this reason the gatherings and political meetings of the Blacks. It then copied its legislation on that modelled in South Africa in order to put an end to any suspectée political activity of Communism. Thus, the Capital punishment became it automatic for any crime committed using bombs or of explosives. The secret services of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) also saw their reinforced capacities and their effectiveness.

In addition, the government of the Face rhodésien was going to be able to count on the support without reserves of the 622 chiefs of the tribal councils which for a long time had become civils servant, contributing with the perception of the taxes, the arrest of the criminals and to inform the authorities of all that occurred under their jurisdiction (deaths, epidemics, maintenance of the roads, primary education, etc). These chiefs were especially very hostile to the African nationalists who wanted to withdraw their prerogatives to them. The Face rhodésien launched a development policy of the communities then creating a national council of the Chiefs reinforcing their capacities.

With the beginning of the year 1963, the the United Kingdom recognized the right to Nyassaland to leave the condemned Federation from now on and to prepare its Indépendance.

The March 29th 1963, the same decision was taken for Rhodesia of North.

She opposed nevertheless a refusal at the request of independence of Southern Rhodesia. On the other hand, it agreed to receive the sub-committee of the United Nations to discuss the statute of Southern Rhodesia.

The June 28th 1963, a conference is organized with the Chutes Victoria by the British government to rule on the future of the federation. The death of the Federation is noted and ratified by the British Parliament the July 25th according to.

Internal dissensions within the ZAPU led to a scission and the foundation of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) directed by Ndabaningi Sithole. As of the end of the year 1963, the ZANU was it-also prohibited. The December 31st 1963, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyassaland was officially dissolved.

Towards the unilateral declaration of independence (1964-1965)

In 1964, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyassaland being dissolved, the the United Kingdom had transferred to the Southern Rhodesia totality from the terrestrial and air military forces from the old Federation, price to be paid according to it of a peaceful dissolution. Become again an autonomous colony, the Constitution of Southern Rhodesia established an National Assembly of 65 elected deputies on two levels. For the first level (50 deputies), the conditions to be entitled to vote are drastic and rest on different system censitaire combining factors of which the level of education and land and buildings or real (electoral principle adoptee as of 1923). At the end of the day, 95% of the electorate of this level resulted from the white minority (8% of the population) whereas the country counted to 90% black citizens (5% of them had the right to vote in this electorate). For the second level (15 deputies), the conditions to be entitled to vote were less constraining. Blow, 90% of this electorate resulted from the black community. Consequently, 50 deputies came from the white community and only 16 of the black community. The Front rhodésien defended this principle of representation on two levels which avoided the racial criteria and which, theoretically, very allowed long run the constitution of a black political majority in the country.

The United Kingdom was however not ready to grant the Indépendance to Southern Rhodesia and Duncan Sandys, secretary British with the relations with the the Commonwealth, warned Winston Field as of February 1964 of the consequences of such a decision.

Regarded by its party as not very virulent in connection with the defense of the interests of the white minority, Winston Field was constrained by its cabinet to present its resignation on April 13rd, 1964. It was replaced by Ian Smith, his very energetic intransigent and charismatic Minister of Finances. As of its taking of, Ian Smith claimed the right to independence immediately and accentuated repression against the black nationalist movements.

July 1st, 1964, the Nyassaland renamed Malawi reached independence, follow-up in October of the Rhodesia of North under the new name of Zambia.

In August 1964, the ZANU of Robert Mugabe was prohibited whereas Nkomo ended up being stopped by the security forces south-rhodésienne and assigned with residence.

In September, of the talks were engaged between Smith and the British Alec Douglas-Home, without any result. The come to power in October 1964 of the British members of the Labor Party of Harold Wilson ends up increasing the dissensions between Salisbury and London. As of the October 27th, Wilson warned Southern Rhodesia against any inclination of unilateral declaration of independence.

At the same time, several thousands of Europeans emigrated of Zambia and Malawi to take refuge in Southern Rhodesia and South Africa. Roy Welensky, the former champion of the federal cause, emigrated itself of Zambia for Southern Rhodesia where it tried to structure a party loyal supporter towards the United Kingdom and opposed to any attempt of unilateral declaration of independence. But this new surge of White coming from old colony did nothing but poke the fear of Rhodium, already traumatized by the fate of the Pieds-Noirs of Algérie with which they were often compared.

Smith convened during this time the 622 big bosses of tribes to a Indaba ( meeting ). At the end of five days of discussions, those gave him their agreement as a representative of the black population to claim independence in the United Kingdom.

The November 5th 1964, Smith organized his clean Référendum on independence. The electorate mainly white gave his support to him (: 58091 votes in favor of independence against 6 096 hostile votes with this prospect).

The March 7th 1965, the general elections gave a victory bright to the Face rhodésien which lamina all its adversaries by gaining the totality of the 50 seats of white deputies to provide.

In July and August, of the bilateral meetings took place between British representatives and south-rhodésiens in London and Salisbury but the negotiations stumbled each time on the question of the right to vote. The British government required the installation of a not-racial and levelling mode (summary by the principle of “No independence before majority rule” - not of independence without the rule of the majority). The Smith government asserted a solution south-rhodésienne and the safeguarding of the privileges of the minority.

Wilson went to Southern Rhodesia of the 25 to the October 30th 1965 It met there the members of the nationalist government and the African. He noted the intransigence of the south-rhodésiens white whereas the the United Nations began impatienter and seemed to want to interfere in the discussions to make respect the rights of the Africans. By doing this, they crystallized even more rigidity of the White of Southern Rhodesia.

The November 5th 1965, Ian Smith put the colony in state of emergency.

Vis-a-vis the firmness of the British government and to avoid an independence imposed by London according to its rules, the colonial government of Southern Rhodesia took the initiative then the November 11th 1965 with 13:15 (local time).

Southern Rhodesia under the mode of the UDI (1965-1980)

The colony rebels (1965-1970)

The November 11th 1965, Ian Smith, Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia, declared the unilateral Indépendance of its country ( Unilateral Declaration Off Independence - UDI) in the name of “the safeguarding of justice, civilization and Christianity”. It did not cut yet all the bonds with the British Couronne since the monarch of Great Britain remained the Head of State in title. It profited from the support of the near total from Rhodium but also from that considerable of part of the Public opinion British, to start with the Reine mother.

Up to that point, only a British colony had dared to proclaim its indépendance unilaterally;: the the United States of America in 1776. Southern Rhodesia counts then: 4200000 inhabitants of which: 217000 White and: 20000 mongrels and Indians.

The British government of Harold Wilson declared not only the UDI illegal but he pronounced the dissolution of the government south-rhodésien and the direct resumption of the control of the administration of his colony by the general governor. Its decisions however did not have any effect inside the borders of Southern Rhodesia. The United Kingdom tergiversated. Its Prime Minister declared on December 16th, 1965 in front of the General meeting of the United Nations which there did not exist in Southern Rhodesia, at the present time, of African nationalist movement able to assume the responsibility for a government. He also drew aside from the start any military intervention to restore British legality and relied then on the United Nations to preach “nonpunitive” economic sanctions.

In spite of the declarations of Diallo Tlli, its general secretary (“So more than 200 million free Africans do not manage to counteract effectively: 200000 colonists, then we will not have deserved the confidence of our people”), the action plan of the any young person Organization of African Unity (OAU) will remain dead letter.

In fact, after the November 11th, only the South Africa recognized the colony secessionist which could nevertheless count on the indirect support of the Portugal colonialist of Salazar.

In the United Nations, the recommendation 2 012 of October 12th, 1965 condemned by advance the secession of Rhodésiens. The shortly after the UDI, the Safety advice of the United Nations adopted by 10 votes the resolution 216 condemning this UDI, requesting all the states not to recognize the mode of illegal declared Smith and not to lend assistance to him.

In Southern Rhodesia even, the UDI had been accommodated in the urban centres by violent demonstrations on behalf of the Blacks and of sabotages but the campaigns had remained calm.

At the beginning of the year 1966, in South Africa, the British renewed contact with the emissary of Smith.

April 28th, 1966, ZANU and ZAPU passed officially to the armed struggle. This second Chimurenga (second war of liberation) was marked by a first attack, suicidal against the forces south-rhodésiennes with Chinhoyi. In fact, the first actions of Guérilla were marked by a total lack of cohesion and a vulnerability of the camps of drive.

Twice, in December 1966 and in October 1968, Smith went to Gibraltar to personally negotiate with Harold Wilson a way out of crisis but it was the failure. The British had however made it possible to Smith to prolong the white political domination for one rather long period time that a black elite takes the changing. The economic interests of the minority would have been guaranteed. But the negotiations stumbled on the fate of the rebellious government which would have to dissolve and let a British governor manage the colony without returning of account to the representatives of the white minority.

December 16th, 1966, resolution 232 imposed selective Sanction S obligatory relating to certain food products of first need.

In 1967, the government south-rhodésien accepted on the ground the assistance of the security forces of the Republic of South Africa and the implicit support of the British, officially hostile government with any solution of violence. May 29th, 1968, resolution 253 is the first to impose complete obligatory sanctions. Several States passed in addition to. The South Africa and the Portugal salazarist opened consular establishments with Salisbury. The government south-rhodésien opened nonofficial representations with Washington, Tōkyō and Bonn. It always had the Rhodesia House with London which was used to him de facto as Ambassade. As for the economic sanctions, they as a whole were circumvented by the majority of the Western countries and several African States dependant on the resources and the transportation routes of Southern Rhodesia.

The sanctions caused initially besides to stimulate the economy south-rhodésienne with the reinforcement and the diversification of the national production. The legislation restricted even the export of the benefit and imposed a control of the Importation S.

In 1968, Southern Rhodesia crossed an additional course by replacing the Drapeau blue sky colonial by new a Emblème with the vertical colors green, white, green in the center of which was represented the armorial bearings new country. The currency remained “That it is worthy of its name”.

May 21st, 1969, the Fundamental law establishing a news Constitution was adopted with a vast majority by the White (: 54724 votes against: 20776). It in the immediate future excluded any possibility of accession to the capacity for the black majority. In same time, the Rhodium ones decided with: 61130 votes (against: 14372) on opportunity of setting up Southern Rhodesia in Republic.

The Republic of Southern Rhodesia (1970-1979)

March 3rd, 1970, the République was proclaimed after being adopted by Référendum. Clifford Dupont took the protocolar functions of the former general governor and became the first president of Southern Rhodesia. Smith remained the Prime Minister and the true strong man of the mode.

The Republic of Southern Rhodesia instituted a parliamentary Régime on the British model of Westminster. The criteria to be entitled to vote were very strict. Consequently, in 1970, only: 8000 Africans (out of five million) profited from the right to vote in order to elect sixteen black deputies whereas: 82852 White (on: 243000 Rhodésiens) elected 50 white deputies. A senate of 23 members was instituted where ten White were elected by the deputies, ten Blacks by the colleges of the traditional chiefs and three senators, without reference to races, were named by the President.

In 1970, the law of distribution of the grounds was replaced by the law of occupation of the grounds. In the facts, the distribution remained the same one with 49% of the territory (of which best grounds of the countries) held by the Rhodium ones (7% of the population) or by the administration whereas the Blacks (92% of the population) divided the 51% remainder under indigenous reserves. The grounds of mission were on the other hand removed. Southern Rhodesia had become a police State for its opponents, the black movements of release were prohibited and their regularly imprisoned leaders. The residential segregation was reinforced with a law copied on the South-African model .

The the United Nations continued to organize the international insulation of Southern Rhodesia. So certain States and of the international companies discreetly circumvented the sanctions, some like the Republic of South Africa or the Portugal defied the international resolutions openly. The connections between Pretoria, Lourenço-Marks (capital of the Mozambique Portuguese) and Salisbury were maintained. One evoked even an axis Lisbon - Tel Aviv - Salisbury - Pretoria to circumvent the international sanctions.

The Congrès of the United States publicly transgressed the U.N. resolutions by authorizing the importation of Chrome south-rhodésien. Indeed, the richness of its rare and useful metal basement for the Western Industrie S was an asset for Southern Rhodesia. The amendment Byrd, of the name of the American democratic congressman on the initiative of this measurement, made it possible the the United States to import materials of Southern Rhodesia necessary to the development of American industries.

As for the other African countries with the point of the combat against the Apartheid in Republic of South Africa and against the “racist government” of Southern Rhodesia, they could not prevent themselves from trading with these bet, being too often dependant on their transportation routes built at the time of the Colonisation and which had made of them the centers of all the transportation routes of Southern Africa.

In November 1971, an agreement seemed to intervene between the United Kingdom and Southern Rhodesia concerning the statute of the territory. This project negotiated by Alec Douglas-Home in the name of the British envisaged the progressive reduction in the Racial segregation until its complete abolition, the fast extension of the right to vote to the Africans and their progressive participation in the political matters of the country. For such a system, it would have been necessary to wait 50 more years so that the Blacks become prevalent at the Parliament. N the other hand, the United Kingdom recognized the independence of the territory, the legality of the government of Smith and put an end to the economic sanctions. It would remain to be made to recognize by the United Nations the cogency of this agreement.

In January 1972, a royal commission was established, charged with checking if the project received the agreement of all the population of Southern Rhodesia, Noirs included/understood. The African opponents with the text then gathered in a African national congress founded on March 10th, 1972 and chaired by the bishop methodist Abel Muzorewa who pled against the project in front of the Safety advice of the United Nations.

In his report/ratio published in May 1972, the commission recognized that 98% of the white population were favorable to the anglo-rhodésien agreement (“yes of lassitude”) in the same way the near total of the tribal chiefs recognized by Salisbury. But the commission also exposed that the agreement was rejected by the large majority of the Blacks which did not have confidence in the white government and found unjust the majority of the terms appearing there. The project was then buried.

On its side, the liberation movement became extensive. March 23rd, 1972, ZAPU and ZANU announced the creation of a military command unified under the orders of Herbert Chitepo. Bases of drive were installed in Zambia and Tanzania whereas Josiah Tongogara, ordering ZANLA (affiliated with the ZANU), left in China to learn the techniques there from Guérilla S Maoists.

The ANC was put under monitoring starting from June 16th, 1972 by the minister Lardner Burke at the time of the renewal of the state of emergency.

The civil population was then solicited and obliged to choose its camp the recalcitrant ones with any help with the guerilla were cut down. The missions close to the border were also the target of the attacks of a guerilla more and more aguerrie. Once the killed missionaries, the children were taken along on the other side of the border where they became children soldiers, returned then on mission to Southern Rhodesia. The incursions starting from Zambia were most current. The principal activity then consisted in posing anti-personnel mines between the Chutes Victoria and Chirundu.

During the summer 1972, although Southern Rhodesia conformed to the requirements of the Olympic National committee while presenting itself with a multiracial team and while agreeing to ravel under its old colonial flag, it is excluded from the Olympic Games of Munich at a few days of opening.

At the beginning of the month of January 1973, the Southern Rhodesia closed its transportation routes with Zambia by which 40% of the Zambian imports and 48% of its exports forwarded, thus constituting an economic declaration of war towards its neighbor of north. For Smith, it was a question of warning Zambia for its logistical support for the movements of guerilla. By doing this, it caused the hostility of its Portuguese neighbor to the Mozambique and especially of his large neighbor, the Republic of South Africa whose economic interests in Zambia were considerable. The buffer state of Southern Rhodesia became a burden for its powerful neighbor. A leading article of a South-African newspaper expressed this bad mood while requiring of Mr Smith “to seek solutions with the existing problems” instead of creating the new ones. Thus, a Airlift was set up between Zambia and South Africa for the transport of stock of the mines. The border was finally reopened as of on February 5th, 1973 marking a diplomatic failure for Smith released by his allies. That showed in addition that Southern Rhodesia was at the thank you of goodwill of South Africa with which it was finally dependant only by one economic and nonphilosophical marriage. It was as at that time as the Prime Ministers South-African and Zambian started to weave closer links.

With the autumn 1974, contacts took place with Lusaka between diplomats south-rhodésiens and the representatives of the guerilla. The December 7th, an agreement seemed about to be reached under the patronage of various Heads of African States but it was immediately rejected by Smith. The various nationalist groups present (ZANU, ZAPU, FROLIZI) then decided to meet within the ANC directed by Abel Muzorewa. The December 11th, Smith announced the release of all the political prisoners, ensured according to him of the end of the acts of Terrorisme in and nearest meeting Southern Rhodesia of a constitutional conference. Joshua Nkomo, recently in exile after being interned during nearly ten years, returned as of the following day as a free man to Salisbury. The releases of prisoners were however rather quickly deferred following many violations of the cease-fire.

August 25th, 1975, under the auspices of John Vorster and Kenneth Kaunda, a meeting at the top between Smith and the black leaders of the movements of guerillas took place to the Chutes Victoria, in a South-African coach stationed on a bridge located above the falls at the border between Zambia and Southern Rhodesia. At the end of nine hours of maintenance, this conference between Smith and Abel Muzorewa (ANC), Joshua Nkomo (ZAPU) and Pasteur Sitholé (ZANU) showed a failure.

Parallel to the direct discussions started between Smith and the leaders of the liberation movements, the economy south-rhodésienne knew a rebound in 1975. The country was not closed in the world since it received: 280000 tourists per annum (of the South-Africans and Europeans in majority) and that hotel great projects (of which the Monomotapa hotel in Salisbury) were under development. The country still knew a important Immigration of white population making it possible to compensate for the emigration (Southern Rhodesia counted then: 275000 White is 4,5% of the total population).

But the failure of the conference of the Victoria falls led to a resumption of the armed struggle of the movements of guerilla whereas old the Portuguese colonies lately independent brought to the capacity of the Marxist governments favorable to the movements of Guérilla S. With the Mozambique, the secret services south-rhodésiens were not going to be long supporting and in financing the national Résistance of Mozambique (RENAMO) against the Marxist government of the Front of release of Mozambique (FRELIMO).

In September 1975, at the time of the congress of the Face rhodésien with Umtali, Smith publicly planned to form a government with Joshua Nkomo.

But their sides, the black nationalists tore. The ZANU was divided into two while the ANC expelled the ZAPU and Joshua Nkomo. As for Robert Mugabe, following the assassination of Herbert Chipeto in Lusaka by the secret services south-rhodésiens, it succeeded to him the direction of the ZANU.

In January 1976, the ZANU of Mugabe and the ZAPU of Nkomo gathered in a patriotic Face whereas the ZIPRA (affiliated with the ZAPU) and the ZANLA (associate with the ZANU) joined in the ZIPA (armed popular with Zimbabwe).

On its side, John Vorster, anxious of the political evolution of the old Portuguese colonies, undertook to calm the situation in free Southern Rhodesia to let there settle a moderate black government. The buffer state had become an indefensible outpost and the black Nationalisme could not be blocked any more on the Zambezi. It was now a question of defending the white industrial circle even if it means to sacrifice Southern Rhodesia to maintain or gain commercial peaceful relations with the other African States. Vorster had already the support of the British but especially that of the Americans. Indeed, Henry Kissinger, the American Secretary of State in favor of the relaxation with the “white” modes of Africa and softening of the relations with South Africa, had undertaken to set up a “total Diplomatie” at the advantage of the government of Pretoria. In exchange of pressures of Vorster on Ian Smith in order to obtain the application of the principle of majority in Southern Rhodesia, the US government would abstain from direct pressures on the questions concerning the future of the South-western African (Namibia) and on the perenniality of the Apartheid.

Generally, the Rhodium ones took already conscience of the gravity of the situation and the political dead end where they were. So some gave up their farms of the eastern highlands or their second home in rural area, others had started to flee the country since 1975. Politically, the liberals, favorable to the division of the capacity with the Blacks and gathered within the Rhodesia Party accounted for 20% of the white electorate but they were unable to take down mandates.

To counter the Guerilla, the security forces of the government south-rhodésien launched raids against the bases of drive of ZANU and of ZAPU to the Mozambique and in Zambia but the attacks developed years by years.

Under the pressure of Vorster and Americans, it is in September 1976 that Ian Smith yielded on the principle of the government by the black majority, thus opening the way with a political solution in Southern Rhodesia.

But the obstacles were amoncelèrent quickly, relative in particular to the transition process (organization of the cease-fire, the disarmament of the armed forces, monitoring of the elections, internal coordination between the movements of guerilla, etc).

In 1977, the reports/ratios worsened between side the government south-rhodésien and the South-African government face on other side to the new American administration of Jimmy Carter. In March 1977, the Chambre of the representatives cancelled the Byrd amendment and restored the Embargo on the Chrome and the Nickel south-rhodésien. In May, the meeting with Zurich between John Vorster and the American vice-president Walter Mondale led to a dead end.

August 31st, 1977, the Front rhodésien confirmed its prevalence at the Rhodium ones by gaining 50 of the 65 seats of the Parliament, marginalizing the Rhodesia Action Party (15% of the voices), a dissidence of Extrême hostile right-hand side with any negotiation.

In October 1977, a Anglo-American joint proposal for a negotiated payment, passably complicated, was rejected by all the parts with the conflict.

November 24th, 1977, at a public meeting with Bulawayo, Ian Smith announced nevertheless a turn with 180° of its policy and announced its rallying with the principle of the “one man, one vote”. This reversal was going to lead to the agreements of Salisbury of March 3rd, 1978, signed between moderated Smith and three African leaders, Abel Muzorewa, the reverend Sitholé and the Chief Jeremiah Chirau, envisaging the formation of a temporary multiracial government charged to set up a new constitution.

This agreement echoed the failure of the negotiations tried by David Owen, the British secretary in Foreign Office, Cyrus Vance, the American Secretary of State and Andrew Young, the American representative in the United Nations which had tried in February with Malta to convince the leaders of the patriotic Face, Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe to accept the Anglo-American plan of negotiated payment.

March 21st, 1978, the first multiracial government of Southern Rhodesia was formed with an executive council of transition bringing together the signatories from the agreement of Salisbury.

June 24th, 1978, the hostilities reached a level of cruelty ever equalized with the massacre by guerillas of the patriotic Face with Umtali with blow of axes of twelve English civilians of a religious mission including five women (previously violated), three children of 4,5 and 6 years and of a 3 week old baby.

August 14th, 1978, Ian Smith was nevertheless with Lusaka in Zambia where it met secretly Joshua Nkomo with an aim of making it join the agreement of Salisbury.

At the end of August 1978, the United Nations denounced in a report/ratio the 593 companies (of which many British oil companies) which had enfreint the rules of boycott enacted by the Safety advice.

September 3rd, 1978, the situation on the ground degenerated, showing the vulnerability of the civil society. An airliner of Air Rhodesia, with on its board 59 passengers and team members, was cut down little time after its takeoff of the airport of the Lac Kariba by missiles Sam-7 drawn by the guerilla from the ZIPRA. On the 18 survivors, 10 were then massacred with the kalachnikov by the members of the Guérilla. Josuah Nkomo asserted the destruction in flight of the plane but denied that the survivors were killed by its men. Smith declared whereas Nkomo had been put “at the round of applause of the company” and announced that it put an end definitively to their discrete interviews. In same time, Nkomo drew aside any legal and peaceful solution to seize the power whereas on its side, the ZANU was going to beg with Addis-Abeba the assistance of Cuba and the the USSR.

In October 1978, to the invitation of 27 preserving senators, Ian Smith went to the the United States to plead its cause. By doing this, it was about a voluntary failure to the sanctions against the enacted people on May 29th, 1968 by the Safety advice, publicly regretted by the British government of James Callaghan and condemned by the Safety advice on October 10th, 1978. The round of Smith was rather profitable. If it did not meet officially any member of the administration in place, its discussions with important republican personalities were regarded as a recognition de facto its government.

January 30th, 1979, the news Constitution was ratified by 84,4% of the white voters. It envisaged the formation of a parliamentary mode with a president elected by the vote for all for ten years, a bicameral Parliament composed of a senate of 30 members elected for five years (ten Blacks, ten White, ten tribal chiefs) and of an assembly of one hundred elected deputies where 28 seats would be reserved for the White (3% of the population) for one ten years period. The project guaranteed the white prevalence in the administration (justice and army included) during the first five years.

Although this constitution was negotiated with Muzorewa, this one was repudiated by all the other black movements, thePlain ones and the United Kingdom.

February 28th, 1979, the last Parliament of Southern Rhodesia to white majority was dissolves.

17 at April 21st, 1979, the first elections multiracial took place. With a voter turnout of the Blacks of 64%, the party of Muzorewa gained 51 of the 100 seats compared with 12 with that of Sithole. As for the Front rhodésien it gained without surprised the 28 seats reserved for the White (3% of the population represented by 28% of the deputies).

Zimbabwe-Rhodesia (June-December 1979)

The British colony of Southern Rhodesia (1979-1980)

The Rhodium ones after the independence of Zimbabwe

At the time of the Independence of the Zimbabwe accepted gladly badly liking by the south-Rhodésiens, the white population was not already any more but of: 250000 people is less than 4% of the population. Only a little more than 50% of this white population had been born in Southern Rhodesia (38% of them had been born with the the United Kingdom and 20% in another country from Africa).

The lamentations and concerns of the first days succeeded rather quickly at Rhodium acceptance of the loss of their political and racial privileges. In accordance with the Agreements of Lancaster House, the economic guideline of Zimbabwe was not modified. The new government called some with the national reconciliation and some White joined even ZANU, some coming straight from the Front rhodésien.

The number of Rhodium, candidates to the emigration towards the South Africa, the the United Kingdom or the Australia were not going however to cease growing in the first five years following the independence of Zimbabwe. In parallel, the system of Social security until there largely advantageous towards the White was dismantled whereas the Positive discrimination at the time of recruitment was set up everywhere.

In 1981, the loyal supporter Roy Welensky, definitively left Africa for the United Kingdom whereas the white civils servant were recruited in South Africa, with the Botswana and even with the Bophuthatswana. However, the mode had maintained the laws restrictive south-rhodésiennes with the emigration, prohibiting a national from carrying more than 500 dollars out of the country.

In 1982, the toponymic change of the cities was badly accepted by wire of the former colonists.

In less than five years, the number of Rhodium were going to crumble with less: 100000 people living in Zimbabwe, often elderly or farmers.

In 1987, they lost in the course of legislature their rights of separate representation of 20 white deputies. The disappearance of those which still represented the official opposition intervened at the time when ZANU and ZAPU amalgamated, making disappear from only one blow very representing of the opposition to the Parliament.

The number of white inhabitants in Zimbabwe was stabilized around: 70000 people in the Years 1990.

The expropriation of the white farmers at the beginning of the Années 2000 engaged a new wave of emigration towards the South Africa, the Australia but also towards the close Mozambique. In 2005, less: 50000 White remained with the Zimbabwe, mainly townsmen of big cities. The departure, for health reasons, to Ian Smith for the Cape testified in 2006 to the end to the history to the pioneers to Cecil Rhodos.

See too

Bibliography and sources

Georges Fisher: " The problem rhodésien" , French Directory of International law 1965, p41-70
Robert Lacour-Gayet, neighbors of the republic' p414-416, in History of South Africa , Beech, 1970

Pierre Eiseman: " Sanctions against Rhodésie" , Pédone, 1972, 122p

Roland Pichon: " The Rhodésien" drama; , Idoc-France, 1975, 247p

Charles Rousseau: " Chronicle of the facts internationaux" in " General review of international law public" , 1978, p 917-922, 1979, p 547-555 and 1980, p 413-417

Charles Cadoux: UNO and the problem of the Southern Africa, evolution of the strategy of the international pressures , French Directory of international law, 1977, p 127 - 174

Charles Cadoux: " Zimbabwe, birth of a nation" , French Directory of international law, 1980, p9-29

George Lory: " Africa australe" , Otherwise n°45, 1990, 265p

Dory Lessing, Laughter of Africa , Albin Michel, 1992, p 19.-21 (Autobiography of the novelist raised in Southern Rhodesia)

Catalog of films

the putsch of the mercenaries (VO: has range for vultures ) of James Fargo (1979), with Richard Harris, Joan Collins, Ray Milland and Richard Roundtree. Although turned to South Africa, the film is supposed to be held in Rhodesia during the years 1970.

History of Zimbabwe
Agreements of Lancaster House
Federation of Rhodesia and of Nyassaland

External bonds

RHODESIAN.NET, site of the embassy of Rhodesia in Iceland
Presentation of Rhodesia
History of Rhodesia (of Mzilikazi with Ian Smith)
Site of information on Rhodesia
Photographs of Southern Rhodesia
attacks against Air Rhodesia in 1978 and 1979
Article of the Swedish review " Folkets Nyheter" on the book " Without Honor" of Robb WJ Ellis
the history of British South African Police
Rhodesia what has time (1890-1978)
" Rhodésie" by Reginald Austin, Press of UNESCO, 1976
a comment of Adreba Solneman on the war of Rhodesia
'' new Zimbabwe '' (1980) by Joe Gatner, attache of research at the Parliament of Canada
an article of African Policy on the land distribution in Rhodesia
Photographs of Rhodesia in 1976-1977

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