French Communist party

The communist Parti French (PCF) is a Political party French of left, founded in December 1920 with the Congrès of Turns, at the time of the scission of SFIO. The official body of the Party was the newspaper a long time the Humanity which is from now on structurally independent for him. Its seat is located Place of the Colonel-Fabien at Paris, in a building of Béton of the famous Brazilian architect Oscar Niemeyer.

History of PCF

See also: History of the French Communist party

The Congress of Turns

The December 30th 1920, a majority of the socialist militants of SFIO joined together in congress in Tours decide to affiliate with the Internationale Communist (also known under name “Komintern”), founded in 1919 by Lénine following the Russian Révolution. The French Communist party, which one then calls French Section of the International Communist (SFIC), who is thus created consequently agrees to subject herself to the conditions explicitly formulated by the IC. It is committed building a revolutionary party, which can use legal means, but which also must obtain a clandestine apparatus and does not have to exclude the illegal action. The party made up must be disciplined, according to the rules of the democratic centralism: the minority ones must follow the line decided mainly, and do not have the right to organize itself to defend their tendency. Internationalist, finally, a national party, as the French Communist party (PC) is initially a section of the third international one. The French PC is not called PCF but SFIC (French Section of the International Communist). These basic principles will underlie all the life of PCF until the official dissolution of the IC in 1943, and even well beyond.

The first years (1921-1933)

The first years of the young party are remembered at the same time by many exclusions of founding members of the party (like Boris Souvarine, Alfred Rosmer, Pierre Monatte, Albert Treint…), by the stalinisation of the party, like by an activism illustrated militant, for example, by demonstrations against the war of Rif, in 1925, and more generally by the antimilitarism. The arrest and the imprisonment of short duration are very frequent, both for the militants the leaders. In 1927, on order of the direction of the Comintern, the policy of the party sectarise. This policy " is called; Classify against Classe" , it excludes any agreement with the parties known as “middle-class”, SFIO included/understood. The Party which had obtained 26 seats with the elections of 1924 loses of it half with the elections of 1928.

Antifascism, the Popular front and the war of Spain (1934-1939)

After the seizure of power by Hitler, and the events of 1934 in France, the International Communist recommends a new line, less sectarian. The fight for the direction of the party between Jacques Doriot and a young rival, Maurice Thorez, leads in 1934 to the ousting of the first which creates its own party. Maurice Thorez, who had reached the direction during the previous time will implement this new line. Thorez is surrounded by a team made up of Jacques Duclos, Benoit Frachon and of delegated Comintern, Eugen Fried. The Thorez-Duclos-Frachon team will know an exceptional longevity and will direct practically the French party during about thirty year. January 10th, 1936, Socialists, Communists and radicals agree on a “common program”. In spring, the Popular front gains the elections and the PC gains 72 seats with 15% of the voices. The PC supports the Blum government without taking part in it. At the beginning of June 1936, the direction of the PC calls with the stop of the spontaneous general strike which started not very front, and which will allow obtaining paid vacations. On the trade-union level, CGTU, Communist, and the CGT of which it had made scission after the congress of Turns, amalgamate again.

The leader authorities are completely subordinated to the IC, it even completely dominated by Stalin and the other leaders of the Soviet State, but this subordination hardly poses problems inside the French party, so much is large the prestige of the USSR. From 1936 to 1939, the support for the republicans and Stalinist Spanish represents a major component of the French Communist party, as well by volunteer sending in the International Brigades as by the setting-up of powerful material means.

The Second world war (1939-1944)

In September 1939, after the declaration of war and approval by the French Party of the signature of the pact germano-Soviet, Daladier will impose the setting out the law of the PC. It will follow from there a scission within the elected officials of the party and a period of clandestinity: the essence of the direction of the party is then gathered in Belgium, and, on an order of Dimitrov, Maurice Thorez deserted and joined Moscow. According to the instructions of the Party, “One hour less for the production, it is one hour more for the revolution”, certain militants make sabotages in the French arms factories during the Drôle of war.

Clandestinity will be briefly stopped during the summer 1940, to require in vain, via the communist lawyer Robert Foissin, the authorization to make reappear Humanity with the German authorities, then will be prolonged until the Release, in summer 1944. Part of the Communist elects founds the working Parti and country French (POPF) who gathered the Communists in favor of the Collaboration (more elected officials than of militants).

Prepared well with the resistance by the practice of clandestinity, the French PC will engage in the fight against the occupant as from June 1941 when the troops of Hitler invade the the USSR. However, many militants or of the communist local groups, who had not suddenly ceased all in 1939 or 1940 to be antifascists, had spontaneously engaged in resistance, without asking the permission of the party. One will quote for example Auguste Havez and Marcel Paul in the west of France, the strike of the mines of North, in May 1941, cf Auguste Lecœur), and several examples local.

As from June 1941, the various organizations attached closely or by far to the communist movement are then capable to attract a big number of men and women eager to take part in the fight against the occupant (in particular the National front and its armed wing of the Francs-tireurs and in favor (ftp)). Mobility Communiste becomes important within the National council of Resistance (CNR).

It should be noted that in 1943, the Komintern east dissolves and the French party from now on is called PCF.

The post-war period (1944-70)

With the Release, this one became one of the French political main forces which will collect up to 29% of the votes and which largely overflowed its working bastions to be present in practically all the departments. Of 1944 with 1947, communist ministers take part in the various governments.

It is in 1947 that on a bottom of Cold war between the two blocks and of colonial wars in the French empire, the French Communists will turn over in an opposition that some will qualify ghetto, since during the ten years which follow, PCF is the only party to remain with the variation of the capacity. Maurice Thorez, reached hémiplégie, passes, between 1950 and 1953 of long stays to the USSR to be made look after. During this time, the enthusiasm of post-war period which had gathered of the French of different horizons within PCF is dissipated, creating ideological dissensions within the militants; exclusions many, are then carried out mainly by Jacques Duclos (Tillon, Lecoeur, Marty…). After the death of Stalin, in 1953, the French leaders renâclent to engage following the Soviet party in the denunciation of the crimes of Stalin, the latter being indissociable judgment of the the USSR, seen from France. PCF remains thus faithful to the the USSR of which it will support in 1956 the military intervention against the popular revolt in Hungary.

In 1956, PCF follows a line of “national unit” and vote, with other parties, the special capacities with Guy Mollet - this last (without success) having tried to establish a parliamentary majority to obtain, according to its dires, a more liberal line in Algérie. However, Guy Mollet applies thereafter a very hard policy of repression during the Guerre of Algeria, which will push PCF to take clandestine actions of sabotage within the French Army, and to support FLN publicly. In 1956 also, PCF approves the bloody repression of the USSR against the popular revolt in Hungary.

In the years 1960, the Maoïsme allures many French by his new character, in all the political currents; PCF is then marked by the departure or the exclusion of part of its militants. In 1963, the French Maoists gather in the Association of the Franco-Chinese friendships (AAFC) then the following year in the Fédération of the circles Marxist-Leninists of France (FCMLF). Maurice Thorez dies in 1964, but 3 years before, it had made return to the Political office Georges Marchais which was to become the strong man of the Party starting from 1970. The period between 1964 and 1970 can be described as transition, with a new secretary Waldeck Rochet weakened by the disease.

During the events of May 68, PCF is initially clearly hostile with the studied movement: Went writes in the Humanity of May 3rd an article violate entitled Of false revolutionists to uncover , where it is caught some for example with “the German anarchist Cohn-Bendit”. Waldeck Rochet refuses to take part in the meeting of Charléty of May 27th, and PCF is completely absent there. When the working world, in particular the metallurgists, answer the movement of the student's world (with the general strike, supported by the trade unions of which the CGT), PCF will join this movement - not to leave an unpopular memory too late.

With the presidential election of 1969, Jacques Duclos, which one believed in the retirement, collects 21,5% of the voices, score considered as excellent.

Common program and abandonment of the Soviet model (1970-1981)

The Communists thought well that the signature of a common Programme of government with the Socialist party (1972) was going to increase their audience in the opinion, but it of it is nothing: alliance benefits the Socialists, while the erosion of the communist vote becomes worrying. The common program will be abandoned in 1978.

In 1974 the publication in France of the Gulag Archipelago of Alexandre Soljénitsyne, which causes a true seism in the public opinion, strongly takes part in the degradation of the image of the Party.

In 1976, PCF gives up the reference to the Soviet model to direct itself towards a line of the type eurocommunist. It gives up any reference to the Marxist doctrines of dictatorship of the proletariat, affirms its independence with respect to Moscow and its attachment with public freedoms: “ It is the democratic way and revolutionist whom we propose with our people to go to socialism taking account of the conditions of our time in favor of the forces of progress, freedom, peace ”. The goal of PCF, “ left national and internationalist ”, is “ the transformation of the capitalist company into a company collectivist or Communist, company fraternal without exploited exploiteurs nor ” ( Humanity , January 20th 1976).

That does not prevent, in 1979, Georges Marchais, then first secretary of the Party, to support the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan, on line since a studio of Russian television. The divorce with the artists and the intellectuals from now on is consumed.

The incompatibility with the governmental participation (1981-1989)

In 1981, with the first turn of the presidential election, Georges Marchais, general secretary, obtain 15%, whereas Jacques Duclos obtained 22 in 1969 from them. Regarded by some as the beginning of the decline, it of it is only the appearance in the ballot boxes. Indeed, in a changing world, with the progressive disappearance of the great working concentrations where it had the seizure on all (votes of the " type; with hand levée"), the Communist party did not change its positions. François Mitterrand used it with his profit all while destroying it.

After the victory of François Mitterrand, PCF takes part in the government of Pierre Mauroy with the ministers Charles Fiterman (Transport), Anicet Pors (Public office), Jack Ralite (Health) and Marcel Rigout (Professional training). From June 1982 at March 1983, Jacques Delors, then Minister for the Economy, controls a transition towards a policy from “economic austerity”.

Indeed, after three successive devaluations, of the billion francs of and explosion losses of capital of unemployment, the Socialists choose to give up their economic project and social, of fear of condemning the French economy to insulation in Europe where the austerity is of rigor. In 1984, the Communists decide to leave the government to protest against the new liberal orientation of the Socialist party. Confronted with deep internal divisions, he then knows a new phase of decline.

In 1984, with the European elections, the Marchais list obtains 11% and only one point the list of the National front of Jean-Marie Le Pen precedes.

In 1988, with the first turn of the presidential election, Mr. André Lajoinie obtains 6,75%, and Mr. Pierre Juquin, dissenting candidate, 2%.

In 1989, with the European elections, the list of Mr. Philippe Herzog, qualified schoolteacher of economy to the University of Paris X with Nanterre, obtains 7%.

Financing and logistic assistance by the USSR

The USSR, since the years 1920, had helped financially and materially, the various Communist parties throughout the world.

During the cold war, per financial year, approximately 2 million US dollars was transferred at the request of the Politburo from the Gosbank (banks of Soviet State) in PCF, in fact agents of the KGB delivered the sums requested from the leaders of the parties concerned. November 13rd, 1979, whereas the war of Afghanistan will engage, Politburo, at the request of Boris Ponomarev, releases, “being given the extremely difficult situation of the Party”, six million dollars for PCF to enable him to pay its debts.

Thus this note of the files of PCUS of October 13rd, 1983, under the heading “Very secret. The KGB at the Central committee of the Communist party of the Soviet Union”:

“With the Ponomarev comrade, director of the international Department,
Report of the meeting with the comrade Gaston Plissonnier (PCF): in accordance with your instructions of September 23rd, the meeting took place in Berlin with the Plissonnier comrade and his right-hand man, at the time which we gave to the French friends the sum of a million dollars which was assigned to them. For safety reasons, the Plissonnier comrade refused to on the spot sign the receipt with the delivered money, referring to an agreement with Moscow. Nevertheless, it ordered with its right-hand man to sign the receipt of delivery without indicating the amount of the sum. ”

The help brought by the PCUS was also material: July 10th, 1987, Politburo approves, “according to the request of PCF”, the delivery of 1  300 tons of Paper per annum for the years 1987 and 1988.

For the only period of 1971 to 1990, PCF will box fifty million dollars (Italian Communist party: 47 million, Communist party of the United States of America: 42 million).

The fall of the Berlin Wall and its effects on PCF (1989-2002)

From 27 elected deputies in 1988, the Party obtained nothing any more but 20 from them in 1993, then 35 in 1997. If Georges Marchais is re-elected in the the Valley-of-Marne, Mr. André Lajoinie, the Outgoing president of the group to the Parliament is beaten in Combining it. Mr. Alain Bocquet, Saint-Amand-the-Water deputy and mayor, succeeds, and occupies this function always today to him.

In 1994, Robert Hue replaces Georges Marchais with the head of the party. Little before the fall Berlin Wall, PCF obtains 6,76% with the presidential of 1988. In June 1994, with the European elections, the list of Mr. Francis Wurtz obtains 6,5%, in spite of the 8-10% obtained with the cantonal .

In April 1995, with the first turn of the presidential election, Mr. Robert Hue, national secretary, obtains 8,64%.

With the municipal of June 1995, Le Havre (Seine-Maritime) and Garges-lès-Gonesse (Val-d'Oise), up to now Communists, rock on the right.

In 1997, after the legislative , the Party goes back to thirty-six seats with the National Assembly. Mr. André Lajoinie finds his seat of deputy Allier and is made elect President of the Commission of the Production. Georges Marchais, who had not represented himself, dies at the beginning of the winter.

In spite of the failure of the real socialism (that much regards as a Capitalisme of State), the influence of the Party however remains far from being negligible. It tries then, by a strategy of alliance in the Plural left, a major change towards the Social-démocratie. In spite of strong internal dissensions, due to the questionings of the past, this strategy wanted by Robert Hue initially seemed positive, since it maintains its electorate and that several ministers enter to the government in 1997: with the ministry for Transport and Housing (Jean-Claude Gayssot), with the ministry for the Sports (Marie-George Buffet), like with the secretariat of State to Tourism (Michelle Demessine). The policy of these ministers will be a tearing for certain militants who show in particular Jean-Claude Gayssot to prepare the privatization of the SNCF with the creation of the Rail network of France or to follow a policy of oppression.

To the European elections of June 1999, Mr. Robert Hue, national secretary and deputy and mayor of Montigny-the-Cormeilles, present a list to double parity, between women and men, and Communists and members of the civil society. It obtains only 6,5% and six elected officials out of 87.

With the municipal of March 2001, much of common Communists rock on the right, like Argenteuil, Colombes, Fos-sur-Mer, Sète, Nimes and the Seyne-sur-Mer. Following the 31e congress, in October 2001, Robert Hue is replaced with the national secretariat by Marie-George Buffet. The disastrous results of the presidential election and legislative of 2002 (less than 4%, the second lower score of its history) seriously put finances of the party in danger. But a national subscription covers the deficit quickly. Moreover, with the following elections, it locally seems to find its score of before 2002. Mr. Robert Hue, beaten with legislative of 2002, is made elect Senator of the Val-d'Oise in September 2004.

In June 2004, with the European elections, PCF obtains three elected officials, and redépasse the 5% of the votes in the areas Île-de-France, Picardy and Nord-Pas-de-Calais. The list of Mrs. Marie-George Buffet, deputy of the Seine-Saint-Denis and Mayor-assistant of the Blanc-Mesnil, obtains 7%.

With the extreme left of the political spectrum, the Communist party is competed with today by parties Trotskistes like Workers' struggle (since the Eighties, actually) and the Communist revolutionary league, without it seeming able to take in the governmental left the place of the Socialist party.

On the internal plan, the party grows rich by a diversity of opinions and includes/understands several currents, even if the tendencies are not recognized by the statutes. A preserving current (the orthodoxe ones), especially established in the North of France (Pas-de-Calais), asserting the Marxism-Leninism like doctrines, a current refondator (with in particular Patrick Braouezec or Lucien Sève) which preaches a total reorganization of the party and the majority current, behind Marie-George Buffet which preaches the opening to the social movements and the other left organizations, while not excluding a governmental participation.

PCF must finally face a new unexpected adversary, with the other end of the political chessboard: the National front which finds part of its voters in the working class and among former Communists. PCF however denies this phenomenon encircled well by the researchers and particularly felt with the first turn of the presidential election in 2002.

PCF today (2002-2007)

Catastrophic results of PCF recorded at the time of the presidential election (1,93  % in 2007 with Marie-George Buffet, 3,37  % in 2002 with Robert Hue) and with the legislative elections (4,82  %, its worst score before being of 9,1  % in 1993, then 4,29  % in 2007) and the subsequent fall of the number of militants involve many handing-over of cause within PCF, in particular on the strategy of alliance with the Socialist party and of governmental participation preached by Robert Hue. This last leaves its president's function with the 32 {{E}} congress, and the party begins on a critical return on the experiment of the Plural left.

If the report of the need for a new strategy of alliance is shared by the majority of the currents, the definition of the strategy is far from achieving the unanimity: thus, the orthodoxe ones see a justification there to push towards a strategy of autonomy of the party, the refondateurs to advance the opening of PCF on the social movement. The regional elections of 2004 see thus various strategies being affirmed on the territory: in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais and in Picardy, the Communists present lists only to the first turn, respectively carried out by Alain Bocquet and Maxime Gremetz; in Ile-de-France, Marie-George Buffet and Claire Villiers carry out a list of opening, on the basis of contents adopted jointly by PCF and its partners (Alternative citizen, Alternate the, the MARCH…) and gathering many personalities of the social movement, while André Chassaigne adopts a similar strategy of that of Alain Bocquet in Auvergne; in 14 other areas on the other hand, PCF makes joint list with the PS as of the first turn.

The results of regional mark a Net rectification: More sensitive in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais and in Picardy, where the “autonomous” lists obtain 10,7 and 10,9% (against 5,1 and 3,9%) that in Ile-de-France and Auvergne, or the lists of union respectively obtain 7,2 and 9,2  % (Robert Hue, in 2002, had obtained 3,6 and 4,5  % in these areas); . The cantonal ones mark they also a rectification, but it does not act there that of a slowed down fall: the cantons of the cities conquered by the line into 2001 pass, for the majority, in their turn in right-hand side while the passages of relai fail in a big number of cantons.

The direction of PCF tries to impel the logic of opening illustrated by the regional ones in Ile-de-France at the time of the European elections, but is often opposed to resistances local federations: thus, two of the six lists are led by trade unionists in addition close to PCF. The result is in half-tone, since it is largely with the top of the results of 2002 but at the level of the European elections of 1999 with 5,24 against 6,78  does not arrive; %. Because of the novel mode of poll, PCF obtains only three elected officials (of which a PCR: Paul Vergès) against six previously.

In 2004, PCF takes part in the foundation of the Parti the European left, European political party created in order to coordinate the actions of parties anticapitalists (but not automatically “communist”). PCF had taken part as an observer in its constitutive congress, held in Rome in May 2004, and which had elected Fausto Bertinotti at its head. The adhesion of PCF to the new party is confirmed by an internal consultation, where 75  % of the militants are declared favorable there: the left wing of PCF had conducted campaign against this adhesion, estimating on the one hand that the PGE gathered parties too far away from PCF, and on the other hand that the creation of a European party involved PCF towards the participation, and the acceptance of “liberal Europe”.

The Communist party exploited, at the time of first half of the year of the year 2005, a role of coordination in the countryside of the left for “not” to the referendum the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, in particular while pushing and helping with the creation of local united collectives for “not”, and in organization at the national level meetings and unit gatherings, energy of the LCR to the “Socialists of not”. The strategy of the direction of PCF leaves reinforced considerably by the victory “not”, and PCF sticks then to the constitution of a gathering of the left antilibérale, to the left of the PS, formed in particular of Socialists, trotskists of LCR and personalities and forces resulting from the social movement (altermondialists, trade unionists, associative,…).

The 33e congress of PCF approved with more 70  % strategy of the PCF of gathering antilibéral, which is incarnated by the “National collective of initiative for a gathering anti-liberal of left and common candidatures”, continuation of the “collectives of not” in which the LCR engaged only prudently. The congress of PCF however wished that the candidate of gathering for the presidential election of 2007 be Marie-George Buffet, and its direction proposes that it is surrounded by an united collective of spokespersons, while the LCR decided to present Olivier Besancenot as long as its points of disagreement with the collectives would not be regulated (see the paragraph detailed on the article French presidential Election of 2007).

In 2006, PCF is the third party of France by the number of its militants (134  000 in February 2006, including 99.281 cotisants - the statutes adopted into 2001 provide that the exercise of the rights attached to quality of adherent is opened by the payment of the contribution fixed by the Congress, of which right to vote and to be elected) and the fourth of many members of Parliament. The victory of “not” with the referendum would have involved a certain renewal of adhesions (approximately 7  000 according to PCF).

Within PCF, the presidential candidate of 2007 caused new divisions with the autumn 2006: in addition to the orthodoxe wing of the party, which always wishes a Communist candidate, the refondateurs wish that PCF even support the candidate of gathering which will be decided by the collectives, is it is not a question of Marie-George Buffet, even do not support its candidature (Patrick Braouezec, refondator, also presented its candidature for the nomination by the collectives).

Vis-a-vis the incapacity of the collectives, and in particular of the national collective, to lead to a consensus on one of the candidatures, the militants of PCF decided, by internal vote, to confirm the candidature of Marie-George Buffet like candidate “of gathering” for the presidential election. PCF is based on the legitimacy of the collectives, estimating that its candidature is the “choice more shared” in those during the two consultations (the first having placed Marie-George Buffet in first choice, with more than 55%), as on legitimacy within the PCF (of which the militants voted to 80% for its candidature). The remainder of the national collective however refuses the right to him to assert collectives. Marie-George Buffet thus put himself on leave of the direction of PCF on January 4th, 2007, in order to “put itself at the service of the gathering”.

April 22nd, 2007 with the first turn of the presidential election Marie-Georges Buffet, candidate of the " popular left and antilibérale supported by the Communist party français" , the score of all the history of PCF at the national level obtains low: 707  327 votes, are 1,93% of the votes cast, arriving in seventh position, and decided the April 24th 2007 to convene an extraordinary congress with the second half-year 2007.

The results of the first turn of the legislative elections of 2007 organized the next month are more encouraging: the candidates introduced or supported by PCF gather on their names 4,70% of the votes cast (the candidates belonging to PCF add up 1.115.719 of voice, either 4,29%), or 0,19 point of less than in 2002.

At the time of the second turn of the legislative elections, the candidates introduced or supported by PCF obtain 18 deputies (13 re-elected, 4 successions and 1 new elected official) in metropolis, while the Communist party réunionnais obtains a seat (Huguette Bello, supported by PCF). This result placed it in position to preserve a group at the National Assembly, on the condition of being joined either by a deputy not registered), or by the four deputies Verts; it is this last option which is retained and PCF sets up with the Greens the group of the democratic and republican Gauche.

Congress of the French Communist party

See also: Congress of the French Communist party

Currents of PCF

The tendencies do not exist within PCF. In the beginning, this was related to the design known as “centralist democratic” of the Party. However, this prohibition is remained after the 28e congress which, in 1994, officially broke with the democratic Centralisme. The new statutes of PCF, resulting from the 31e congress, stipulate: “ Thus, we make the choice make pluralism of right a principle of our operating process. For as much, the Communists do not want that results in an operation into tendencies. ”. However, one can identify within the PCF of the currents as well as political groups, which continue in particular at the time of the internal votes (adhesion with the Parti the European left, constitution of the lists, texts of orientation…).

Currents related to the current majority

  • partisans of the political line of Marie-George Buffet or “buffetists”: they direct the party and defend the principle of an autonomy compared to the Socialist party, while making some a potential ally, as well as the other left forces or of Extreme-left (LCR, the Greens, Alternate the), that the altermondialists (ATTAC…) like all the components of the social movement.

  • partisans of the political line of Robert Hue or “Huistes”: they defend the principle of an alliance privileged with the Socialist party within the framework of the “Plural left”. The role of PCF would be to influence the orientation of the “Plural left”, for a better representation of the work world. It should carry out joint list with the PS, at least at the time of the national and regional expiries.

These two first " groupes" train the majority of the Party.

The minority ones

  • the “refondateurs” (or “renovating”) close to Patrick Braouezec and Roger Martelli, wish a going beyond of the form-party, and a reflection on the new logical ones of organization based on the social movement. Militants close to this current publish the Communisme bulletin moving. Association Communist unit, in favor of the action of the Communists to the formation of a unit space on the left of the PS, is related to this minority orientation. After the national meeting of unit Communistes association in Paris on June 30th, 2007, it was decided that " Communism in mouvement" becomes the name of the internal current within the PCF of the association of the unit Communists also gathering many not-inserted Communists, altermondialists, libertarians or coming from the LCR.

  • the “innovators”, generally former partisans of the political line of Georges Marchais or “Marchaisiens” like Nicolas Marchand and Yves Dimicoli formed the network Action Novation Revolution: they defend the principle of an autonomous PCF compared to the PS while being in favor of a new Union of the Left with a rebalancing of alliance in favor of PCF. They are opposed less to the direction on the political actions and the campaigns that on the strategic questions and the basic aiming of PCF (ANR is affirmed revolutionary and calls into question the orientations of the direction, that they consider evolutionary or reformists ).

  • To trust (E) S to be communist, regrouping of “orthodoxe” which answers thus has proud slogan of the direction a “to be on the left”, with like personalities André Gerin, Jacky Hénin, Freddy Huck, Henri Martin, Jean-Jacques Karman or Jean-Claude Danglot. She is opposed so that she calls the change reformist and proposes to give the party to the avant-garde while returning to the fundamental Marxists. She is opposed basically to any candidature of gathering, particularly not Communist, and in several campaigns of current management, in particular that of the popular forums . With obtained 13  % of the voices to the last congress.

  • Let us give PCF on the rails of the class struggle, regrouping of Communists since the 33e congress on the basis of alternative text of the same name having obtained 8,22%. This network of militants, including/understanding several members of the National council, gathers Communists who oppose basically so that they call the change-disappearance of PCF engaged since XXVIIIe congress. They propose to the Communists to rather break with this strategy by giving again the priority with the fights than at the institutions, by rejecting the domination of the European Union " capital" , while giving ahead the identity of PCF and its revolutionary theory.

  • Anger and hope , association founded by Maxime Gremetz. She is opposed in the majority on several points, in particular on the creation of the Parti the European left and decides for a “rebuilding” of PCF.

  • Left Communist: group " orthodoxe". He affirms to work for the recasting of PCF on really revolutionary bases and to aim at democratic socialism. He rejects in block the Stalinisme and refers more readily to the PCF of before the stalinisation and Lénine and Karl Marx. Its person in charge is Jean-Jacques Karman.

Personalities of the French Communist party

National general secretaries then

The function of general secretary is created in 1924 and is removed in 1928, then restored officially in 1935. It is replaced by the function of national secretary to the 28 {{E}} congress, in 1994.

The 31 {{E}} congress, in 2001, also created the function of president , founding an executive with two heads. It ceased existing in 2002, with the 32 {{E}} congress, when Robert Hue decides not to represent himself

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